HISTORY: FICTION OR SCIENCE? ● BOOK 2

Astronomy vs. History

Anatoly Fomenko

ASTRONOMY VS. HISTORY

By Anatoly Fomenko

Book 2 of History: Fiction or Science? series.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the publisher. Critics are welcome, of course, to quote brief passages by way of criticism and review.

Anatoly Fomenko asserts the moral right to be identified as the author of this work.

Translated from Russian by Mikhail Yagupov

Design & layout: Paul Bondarovski

Project management: Franck Tamdhu

Cover image: Tycho Brahe and his famous Wall Quadrant (fragment). An engraving probably from the 1598 printing of his Astronomiae instauratae mechanica, hand coloured.

Copyright © 2003-2017 Delamere Resources LLC

Published by Delamere Resources LLC

Publisher’s website

2017 print edition

Volume 1:

Dating methods as offered by mathematical statistics, eclipses and zodiacs

Volume 2:

The dynastic parallelism method. Rome. Troy. Greece. The Bible. Chronological shifts

Volume 3:

Astronomical methods as applied to chronology. Ptolemy’s Almagest. Tycho Brahe. Copernicus. The Egyptian zodiacs

Volume 4:

Russia. Britain. Byzantinium. Rome

Video from Wikipedia

Overview of the e-Series

History: Fiction or Science?

by Anatoly Fomenko and Gleb Nosovskiy

Book 1:

The Issue with Chronology

Book 2:

Astronomy vs. History

Book 3:

The Apocalypse Seen by Astronomy

Book 4:

The Issue with Dark Ages

Book 5:

The Issue with Antiquity

Book 6:

The Issue with Troy

Book 7:

The Issue with Russian History

Book 8:

The Horde From Pacific to Atlantic

Book 9:

The Issue with Mongols

Book 10:

The Issue with Ivan the Terrible

Book 11:

The Issue with Tamerlane

Book 12:

USA Has Issues with Maps of 18th Century

Book 13:

The Issue with Czar’s Helmet

Book 14:

The Issue with Russian Tartary

Book 15:

The Issue with British History

Book 16:

Crusades and Exoduses

Book 17:

Maps and Coins vs. History

Book 18:

Swords and Mantles Tell History

Book 19:

The Testament of Peter the Great

Book 20:

The Issue with Baptism of Russia

Book 21:

The Issue with Chinese Astronomy

Book 22:

The Great Wall Of China Hoax

About the author

- Fomenko, Anatoly Timofeevich (b. 1945). Full Member (Academician) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Full Member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences, Full Member of the International Higher Education Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Head of the Moscow State University Section of Mathematics of the Department of Mathematics and Mechanics. Solved Plateau’s Problem from the theory of minimal spectral surfaces. Author of the theory of invariants and topological classification of integrable Hamiltonian dynamic systems. Laureate of the 1996 National Premium of the Russian Federation (in Mathematics) for a cycle of works on the Hamiltonian dynamical systems and manifolds’ invariants theory. Author of 200 scientific publications, 28 monographs and textbooks on mathematics, a specialist in geometry and topology, calculus of variations, symplectic topology, Hamiltonian geometry and mechanics, computer geometry. Author of a number of books on the development of new empirico-statistical methods and their application to the analysis of historical chronicles as well as the chronology of antiquity and the Middle Ages.

From the publisher

ALL solar, lunar eclipses mentioned in chronicles presumed to be written before XVI century could not and did not take place at the very time and exact location reported to us by the ancient authors thereof.

Learned chroniclers did like so much to stress the importance of the event with some phenomena in the sky. Either they lied or were wrong, or both. Verdict: the celestial events took place some other time and some other place, or there was nothing spectacular in the sky at that very moment. Voilà!

Astronomy vs. History crowns scores of years of meticulous and extensive research performed by the eminent mathematician Anatoly Fomenko and his colleagues. This research started actually as an anecdotical byproduct of Russian-American competition in Moon exploration.

Chief astrophysicist of NASA Robert R. Newton discovered a very strange phenomenon in lunar mechanics proving irrefutably that the solar eclipses of Antiquity referred to in ‘ancient’ Chronicles were actually mediaeval.

The alternatives offered to classical history are stunning, unorthodox to the extent of being labeled heretical by virtually every scholar of history, and daring enough to be considered preposterous at first sight, although this impression never lasts longer than it takes one to read a few pages attentively.

The author dissects every historical age and analyzed the data from every source imaginable – Greek and Egyptian chronology take a good beating, and it goes rapidly downhill from there.

Ticho Brahe, Ptolemy, and Copernicus disguised as ‘ancient’ Ptolemy take the blame for creating the legend of a mythical Classical Age that never was and misdating mediaeval events by hundreds and thousands of years as very ancient ones.

In Astronomy vs. History we are reminded of the crucial role of eclipses in verifying the dating of major historical events, of Zodiacs from Egyptian temples containing the true dates of such events. Our perception of history begins to change dramatically even before we’re through with Astronomy vs. History.

On one hand, Dr. Fomenko et al call everybody, historians including, to apply the Occam's razor to the world history. On the other, the scientists Dr. Fomenko et al are ready to recognize their 'mistakes' of New Chronology theory, to repent and to retract if and only if:

- radiocarbon dating methods or dendrochronology pass a rigorous anonymous non-circular 'black box' tests;

- verifiable astronomic data refutes their results on solar eclipses;

- it is proven irrefutably that Robert Newton (NASA astrophysicist) was wrong calling 'ancient' Ptolemy the greatest con man in history in his book Crime of Claudius Ptolemy.

The radiocarbon dating labs run their very costly tests only if the sample to be dated is accompanied with an idea of age pronounced by historians on basis of … subjective … mmm … gut feeling and the history books they have been writing for the last 400 years.

Radiocarbon labs happily bill for their fiddling and fine tuning with C14 hardware to get the dates 'to order' of historians. The demand to recalculate the calibration curve with an accelerator mass spectrometer is refuted.

The calibration of C14 curve valid now was made initially by the first radiocarbon lab of Arizona University on the basis of samples supplied and dated by the exploration team of Arizona University in Egypt. Circulus Vicious is perfect. Connect the dots …!

***

P.S.: Prescient Saint Augustine warned: “Be wary of mathematicians, particularly when they speak the truth!” That's why Jesuits took over control of Chronology in XVI century, when it was a part of mathematics. Now the mathematicians take it back.

New Chronology theory based on exact sciences says that all events that took place allegedly over 1300 years ago, as well as real persons who took part in them, are simply unknown to us.

Dr. Anatoly Fomenko is a Full Member (Academician) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Full Member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences, Full Member of the International Higher Education Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Head of the Moscow State University Department of Mathematics and Mechanics.

Franck Tamdhu

August 2017

Contents

Overview of the e-Series

About the author

From the publisher

Are History and Astronomy incompatible? By Béla Lukács

History of the New Chronology. By A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy

1. The strange leap of parameter D" in the Theory of Lunar Motion

2. Are the “ancient” and mediaeval eclipses dated correctly?

2.1. Some astronomical data

2.2. The discovery of an interesting effect: an unprejudiced astronomical dating shifts the dates of the “ancient” eclipses to the Middle Ages

2.3. Three eclipses described by the “ancient” Thucydides

3. Transferring the dates of the “ancient” eclipses forward in time into the Middle Ages eliminates the enigmatic behaviour of the parameter D"

4. Astronomy moves the “ancient” horoscopes into the Middle Ages

4.1. The mediaeval astronomy

4.2. The method of unprejudiced astronomical dating

4.3. Many “ancient astronomical observations” may have been theoretically calculated by late mediaeval astronomers and then included into the “ancient” chronicles as “real observations”

4.4. Which astronomical “observations of the ancients” might be a result of late mediaeval theoretical calculations?

5. A brief account of several examples of Egyptian zodiacs

5.1. Some general observations

5.2. The Dendera Zodiacs

5.3. The horoscopes of Brugsch and Flinders Petrie

5.4. Finite datings of Egyptian Zodiacs based on their complete decipherment, as calculated by A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy in 2001

5.5. On the errors of E. S. Goloubtsova and Y. A. Zavenyagin

6. Astronomy in the New Testament

Annex. Grammatical analysis of an eclipse description in History by Thucydides

What mainstream historians say about the New Chronology?

Bibliography

History is a pack of lies about events that never happened

told by people who weren’t there.

George Santayana,

American philosopher

(1863-1952)

Be wary of mathematiciens, particularly when they speak the truth.

St. Augustine

History repeats itself; that’s one of the things that’s wrong with history.

Clarence Darrow

Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the present controls the past.

George Orwell, 1984

Are History and Astronomy incompatible?

By Béla Lukács

History: Fiction or Science? is a most unusual book series, one that undermines the very foundations of History. According to the author and his team of researchers, History as it has been taught in Europe ever since the Renaissance is fundamentally false, verified history beginning around 1250 A.D. the earliest. Jesus Christ was born in 1152 and crucified in 1185, the First Crusade being an immediate reaction to his Crucifixion. Homer identifies an anonymous poet of the second half of XIII century A.D., and the event led to the creation of the Iliad had been the fall of the Latin Empire of Constantinople in 1261 A.D. The list goes on and on.

Historians generally oppose the author's views without making much commentary. The author is not a historian, period. He is only a leading differential geometrician (mathematician), successful and respected. A. T. Fomenko is also a corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Sciences; his main argumentation is of a statistical and astronomical nature. I happen to be a physicist myself and not a historian. However, astronomy and differential geometry are known to me well from the area of general relativity, and I cannot recommend this book enough, since its author approaches History, usually a highly emotional discipline ascribed to the field of humanities, armed with impartial mathematics.

History is collective memory; yet even our own memory errs at times, and no real memory extends beyond three generations. There are written sources, but each one of those might easily prove a forgery. There are material remnants of archaeological nature, but they may be misinterpreted.

Astronomy is precise by definition, and a historical dating that can be calculated from information about eclipses should satisfy any researcher. Yet the XIX century astronomers did not use the lunar tidal friction term in the equations of lunar motion, which would make ancient lunar eclipses appear several hours off the mark and relocate several total eclipses of the sun geographically (assuming tidal friction has remained the same all the time but there is no reason to believe it hasn’t). How could XIX century calculations have conformed to consensual history?

I must say that a methodical recalculation of ancient eclipse datings shall invariably bring surprises; in the unlikely case these datings are correct, we shall prove the existence of erratic changes in telluric rotation over the last 4,000 years instead. Both possibilities are highly alarming.

Fomenko demonstrates the incompatibility between consensual history and modern astronomy. This incompatibility is a sad fact. (He exposes a number of other contentious issues as well, but those do not fall into my professional scope.) Which is more reliable – history or hard-boiled scientific facts? Science cannot afford subjectivity; most of us would feel the same way about history as well.

Chronological problems are very serious indeed; Fomenko offers a viable solution to most of them, and a radical one at that – a “Copernican revolution” of history, no less. I am not using the term to predict the final and total victory of his version; that is a matter for a multitude of scientific and scholarly discussions to come. But the contradiction between history and astronomy that becomes graver with the day cannot and must not be tolerated, in the best interests of both history and the theory of telluric rotation.

History of the New Chronology

By A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy

The first stage – the XVI-XX century, when various researchers periodically discovered major inconsistencies in the edifice of the Scaligerian chronology. We shall quote the names of some familiar scientists that dissented with the chronology of Scaliger-Petavius and reckoned that the real ancient and mediaeval chronology differed significantly.

De Arcilla – the XVI century, Professor of the Salamanca University, see Chron1, Chapter 1. The information on his chronological research is of a rather volatile nature, and it was only by accident that N. A. Morozov managed to learn of it. It is known merely that De Arcilla claimed “ancient” history to have been forged in the Middle Ages. However, we regrettably failed to have found any of his works. The Salamanca University could not give us any information about them, either.

Sir Isaac Newton (1643-1727) – the great English scientist, physicist, and mathematician devoted a large part of his life to chronology and published a large volume entitled The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms Amended. To which is Prefix’d, A Short Chronicle from the First Memory of Things in Europe, to the Conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great. See [1298]; more details in Chron1, Chapter 1.

Jean Hardouin (1646-1729) – eminent French scientist and author of a large number of works on philology, theology, history, archaeology, and numismatics. He was also Director of the French Royal Library, and wrote a few chronological works with sharp criticisms of the entire Scaligerian chronology. He was of the opinion that most of the so-called “ancient artefacts” were either counterfeit, or belonged to a much more recent age. See details in Chron7, Appendix 3.

Peter Nikiforovich Krekshin (1684-1763) – the personal secretary of Peter the Great wrote a book criticizing the contemporary version of Roman history. It was “still fresh” in his day and age, and wasn’t taken for granted the way it is today. See details in Chron4, Chapter 14:30.

Robert Baldauf – the German philologist of the late XIX – early XX century. Assistant professor at the Basel University and author of the four volumes entitled History and Criticisms ([1025:1]). He came to the conclusion that the “ancient” literary works had been a lot more recent than one was accustomed to think, guided by philological considerations. Baldauf proved that those works were all mediaeval in their origins. See details in Chron7, Appendix 3.

Edwin Johnson (1842-1901) – English historian of the XIX century, criticized the Scaligerian chronology severely in his works ([1214] and [1215]), claiming that they needed to be truncated drastically. See details in Chron1, Chapter 1.

Nikolai Alexandrovich Morozov (1854-1946) – a prominent Russian scientist and encyclopedist, made a breakthrough in chronological studies. He criticized the Scaligerian version of chronology and history extensively. He offered the concepts of several new natural scientific methods of analyzing chronology and introduced scientific approaches to chronology making the latter a science de facto. See details in Chron1, Chapter 1.

Wilhelm Kammeyer (late XIX century – 1959) – a German scientist and lawyer, developed a method of verifying the authenticity of ancient documents. He discovered nearly all of the ancient and early mediaeval Western European documents to have been either copied or forged in a more recent age. He came to the conclusion that both ancient and mediaeval history were falsified, and wrote several books on the topic.

Immanuel Velikovsky (1895-1979) – a prominent psychoanalyst of Russian origin lived and worked in Russia, the UK, Palestine, Germany, and the USA. He wrote a number of books on ancient history that concerned several contradictions and peculiarities of ancient history. He also made an attempt of explaining them in relation to the Catastrophism Theory. He is considered to be the founder of the “critical school” in chronology, but what he really did can be regarded as an attempt to protect the Scaligerian chronology from drastic changes, so his inclusion in the list of the founding fathers of the new chronology is rather arbitrary. Velikovsky’s works are much better known than the earlier and more detailed ones by N. A. Morozov; this must have inhibited the development of the new chronology in the Western Europe of the XX century considerably. See details in Chron7, Appendix 3.

All in all, one has to state that the precariousness of the Scaligerian chronology was mentioned rather explicitly in the scientific works of the XVII-XIX century. The Scaligerian version of history had been subjected to extended criticisms, and the thesis of the global fabrication of ancient texts and artifacts was formulated. Nevertheless no one with the exception of N. A. Morozov managed to find a way of constructing a proven version of the correct chronology; even his version was hardly based on any substantial evidence, being incomplete and having inherited a number of substantial flaws from the chronology of Scaliger and Petavius.

The second stage – first half of the XX century. This stage should doubtlessly be linked to the name of N. A. Morozov. He was the first to have understood and formulated the fundamental idea about Scaligerian chronology being in need of a complete revision, not just the “ante-mundane” part, but also its entire edifice up to the VI century A.D. N. A. Morozov had used a number of innovative natural scientific methods for chronological analysis and quoted a number of indisputable arguments for proving his brilliant idea. The publication of his main works on the revision of the ancient history occurred in 1907-1932 ([542]-[544]). However, he held the erroneous opinion that post-VI century chronology had been basically correct. See details in Chron1, Chapter 1:3.

The third stage – the period of 1945-1973, can be characterized as one of “deliberate muting”. The historical science tries to cast the chronological research of N. A. Morozov and his predecessors into oblivion. The chronological discussions in Russia cease altogether, and an “alienation zone” of sorts is created around N. A. Morozov’s works on chronology, whereas in the West, the debate becomes circular and doesn’t venture outside I. Velikovsky’s hypothesis of “Catastrophism.”

The fourth stage – which was the period of 1973-1980, commenced in 1973, when A. T. Fomenko, faculty member of the Department of Mathematics and Mechanics of the Moscow State University, was researching several problems related to celestial mechanics. He had noticed the 1972 article of the American astrophysicist Robert Newton ([1303]), where the latter described a strange leap in lunar acceleration, and the so-called parameter D”. The leap occurred around the X century A.D. Using the Scaligerian datings of the writings that make reference to lunar and solar eclipses, R. Newton computed lunar acceleration as a time function on the interval of the I-XX century A.D. The leap in question comprises an entire mathematical order (!), and cannot be explained by the gravitational theory in any way. It was the issue of the discussion organized by the Royal Society of London and the British Academy of Sciences in 1972, and one that had spawned major controversy ([1453]). The discussion had failed to elucidate the situation in any way, and so R. Newton suggested to attribute the leap to certain mysterious extra-gravitational forces in the Earth-Moon system.

A. T. Fomenko noted that all the attempts of explaining the gap in the behaviour of D” failed to raise the issue of the veracity of the eclipse datings that were the actual basis for R. Newton’s calculations. However, despite the fact that A. T. Fomenko was well outside the paradigm of historical research back in the day, he had heard that N. A. Morozov offered some new datings of the “ancient” eclipses in his work entitled Christ, published in 1924-1932. It has to be said that A. T. Fomenko’s initial attitude towards N. A. Morozov’s works was rather sceptical and based on whatever random information he had received on the subjects during informal discussions with fellow faculty members. Nevertheless, having overcome his scepticism, A. T. Fomenko unearthed an astronomical table by N. A. Morozov that contained the new datings and performed a new calculation of the parameter D” using the same algorithm offered by R. Newton. He was amazed to discover the disappearance of the mysterious leap and the transformation of the D” diagram into an even, practically horizontal line. A. T. Fomenko’s work on the topic was published in 1980 ([883]).

However, the elimination of the enigma from celestial mechanics led to another question of paramount importance: what was one supposed to do with the chronology of the ancient times in this case? The eclipse dates were supposed to be evidentially linked to a vast array of historical materials. Since N. A. Morozov’s works helped to solve a complex celestial mechanics problem, A. T. Fomenko decided to study them in more detail. The only professor from the MSU Department of Mathematics and Mechanics to have had Morozov’s Christ, already a bibliographical curiosity by that time, in his possession, was M. M. Postnikov. He was interested in N. A. Morozov’s research and occasionally told his colleagues about it. In 1974, A. T. Fomenko approached M. M. Postnikov with the suggestion of reading a series of introductory lectures on N. A. Morozov’s works. M. M. Postnikov had acquiesced after a brief hesitation, and read five lectures for a group of mathematicians that worked in the MSU Department of Mathematics and Mechanics later the same year.

As a result, a group of mathematicians developed an interest in chronological problems, regarding them from the point of view of applied mathematics. It became obvious that the complexity of this issue demanded the development of new independent methods of dating. Hence the main focus in 1973-1980 was on developing methods of analyzing historical texts that were based on mathematical statistics, a number of which was proposed and formulated by A. T. Fomenko in 1975-1979. They allowed for the elucidation of the global picture of chronological misdatings in Scaliger’s version and elimination. More specifically, A. T. Fomenko had discovered three important chronological shifts, of roughly 333 years, 1053, and 1800 years respectively. These shifts are only inherent in the erroneous chronology of Scaliger-Petavius, and have nothing to do with the correct one. It turned out that “the Scaligerian textbook” was compiled from four copies of one and the same brief chronicle.

The first scientific publications on this topic were composed and prepared for publishing in 1973-1980.

The fifth stage – 1980-1990 can be characterized by the publication of articles on the new methods of dating and achieved chronological results in specialized periodicals dedicated to pure and applied mathematics. The first publications on the topic were the two articles by A. T. Fomenko ([883] and [884]) published in 1980, as well as the preprint by A. T. Fomenko and M. M. Postnikov ([681]), published the same year. In 1981 a young mathematician by the name of G. V. Nosovskiy, specializing in probability theory and mathematical statistics, actively joined the new chronology research. This period saw the publication of several dozens of scientific articles on independent empirical-statistical and astronomical methods in chronology. They were written by A. T. Fomenko, either alone or in collaboration with the mathematicians G. V. Nosovskiy, V. V. Kalashnikov, S. T. Rachev, V. V. Fyodorov, and N. S. Kellin (see Bibliography).

It has to be mentioned that the research was supported by Academician E. P. Velikhov, the physicist that proposed two of A. T. Fomenko’s articles with the description of methods and a global picture of chronological misdatings to be submitted to the Doklady AN SSSR (a periodical of the USSR Academy of Sciences), and Academician Y. V. Prokhorov, the mathematician who had done the same for two articles by A. T. Fomenko, V. V. Kalashnikov, and G. V. Nosovskiy on the issue of dating Ptolemy’s Almagest.

A. T. Fomenko made reports concerning the new dating methods at scientific seminars on mathematics conducted by Academician V. S. Vladimirov, Academician A. A. Samarsky, Academician O. A. Oleynik, and Corresponding Member S. V. Yablonsky, as well as a scientific seminar on history conducted by Academician I. D. Kovalchenko, a specialist on applying mathematical methods to history, who was genuinely interested in those methods and claimed that historians needed to delve deeper into chronology issues.

Over the period of 1980-1990, A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy, and V. V. Kalashnikov presented their reports on the new methods of independent dating at a number of scientific conferences on mathematics.

The position of Academician A. N. Kolmogorov in this respect is most interesting. When A. T. Fomenko was presenting a scientific report on the new methods of dating at the Third International Conference on Probability Theory and Mathematical Statistics in Vilnius, 1981, A. N. Kolmogorov came to the presentation and spent the entire forty-plus minutes that it took standing in the back of the hall, having strategically chosen a spot where he wouldn’t be seen from the hall, retaining the ability to see and hear everything that was going on at the blackboard. A. N. Kolmogorov departed immediately after the presentation and did not approach the person at the blackboard. It has to be said that A. N. Kolmogorov’s health was already quite frail by that time, and being forced to stand for forty minutes must have taken a considerable effort on his part.

Later on, in Moscow, A. N. Kolmogorov invited A. T. Fomenko over to his residence and inquired whether he could borrow any of his publications on chronology. He was given a brief 100-page essay written by A. T. Fomenko in 1979 that had circulated around as a manuscript prior to its publication as a preprint in 1981 ([888]). Apart from that, A. T. Fomenko had given A. N. Kolmogorov a more exhaustive 500-page typewritten text on the topic. In two weeks’ time, A. N. Kolmogorov invited A. T. Fomenko to converse with him once again. During the two-hour discussion it became clear that A. N. Kolmogorov had made a thorough study of the materials. He had asked a large number of questions, and his primary concern was about the dynastical parallelisms between the ancient dynasties, including the biblical ones, and those of the Middle Ages. He said he was frightened by the possibility of a radical reconstruction of several modern conceptions based on ancient history. He had no objections to the legitimacy of the methods. Finally, A. N. Kolmogorov gave the 500-page text back to A. T. Fomenko and asked whether he could keep the 100-page essay as a present. The request was complied with.

One has to add the following report that A. T. Fomenko received orally from one of the partakers of the conversation that is to be described below. A while ago, Professor M. M. Postnikov submitted an article with an overview of N. A. Morozov’s chronological research in a journal titled Uspekhi Matematicheskih Nauk (The Successes of Mathematical Sciences). The following dispute among members of the journal’s editing board, among them Academicians P. S. Alexandrov and A. N. Kolmogorov, ensued. A. N. Kolmogorov refused so much as to touch the article, saying something along the lines of “This article is to be rejected. I spent enough time and effort fighting Morozov in the days of yore.” However, he added the following: “And yet we shall all look perfectly idiotic if it turns out that Morozov was right.” The article was rejected.

This conversation sheds some light on the events of the days when N. A. Morozov’s research was practically vetoed. Today we are being convinced that everything had happened “automatically” and that N. A. Morozov’s research was of little enough interest to have been forgotten by everyone in a short time. We are now beginning to understand that the forces opposing N. A. Morozov were all the more formidable to have needed the assistance of A. N. Kolmogorov. It is also noteworthy that A. N. Kolmogorov considered it possible for N. A. Morozov to have been correct.

Apparently, ever since the time N. A. Morozov’s research was cast into oblivion, historians have been constantly bothered by the possibility of someone resuming it. It is hard to find another explanation for the peculiar fact that as early as 1977, when the research conducted by the Moscow State University mathematicians was in its earliest stages without any publications on the topic, the Communist magazine published an article by A. Manfred, Doctor of History, with a severe criticism of “the new mathematical methods” in history. The names of the methods’ authors weren’t mentioned, but the implications were perfectly clear. A. Manfred wrote the following: “If these ‘young’ scientists are given any degree of liberty at all, they will drown the book market in summaries of numeric data. The ‘new’ tendencies need to be overcome by scrupulous critical analysis, since they are holding back the progress of global historical science…” (Communist, July 1977, issue 10, pages 106-114).

In 1981, immediately after our first publications on chronology had come out, the History Department of the USSR Academy of Sciences gathered for a special session on June 29, 1981, the criticism of our work being its main objective. The Learned Secretary of the History Department of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Cand. Hist. Sci. V. V. Volkov, and the Learned Secretary of the Principal Tendencies of Human Society Development Council of the History Department of the Academy N. D. Loutzkov sent A. T. Fomenko an official note saying, among other things, that: “The Department’s session took place on 29 June, 1981, conducted by the Vice Academician Secretary of the Department, Academician Y. V. Bromley… Your conclusions were sharply criticized by the specialists of six humanities institutes as well as the staff members of the Sternberg Institute of Astronomy” (8 May 1984).

The most vehement criticisms of the 1981 session belonged to the Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Z. V. Udaltsova, and the chairwoman of the commission, Y. S. Goloubtsova, both of them historians. Y. S. Goloubtsova was in charge of a special commission of historians that had been assembled to analyze our works. The materials of this discussion have provided the basis for a series of articles with harsh criticisms of our research in various historical periodicals.

A similar “discussion” recurred in 1998-1999, as shall be mentioned below.

The sixth stage – the post-1990 period. It can be characterized as “the stage of publishing books on new chronology.” This is when the books that covered our chronological research, as well as those containing derived hypotheses about what pre-XVII century history had really looked like, started to appear. The first book on this topic was A. T. Fomenko’s Methods of Statistical Analysis of Narrative Texts and their Application to Chronology (MSU Publishing, 1990). The foreword was written by A. N. Shiryaev, President of the International Bernoulli Society for Mathematical Statistics and Probability Theory in 1989-1991, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Head of the Probability Theory Studies Section of the Moscow State University Department of Mathematics and Mechanics, Head of the Probability Theory and Mathematical Statistics Department of the V. A. Steklov Mathematics Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

It has to be mentioned that this book was supposed to have been published much earlier. It was already typeset by the Publishing House of the Saratov University in 1983-1984 and edited by Cand. Hist. Sci. S. A. Poustovoyt (Moscow). However, the publishing house received a sudden missive from the historians of Leningrad, Head of the Universal History Sector, the Leningrad division of the USSR History Institute, Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences, V. I. Routenburg, Learned Secretary T. N. Tatsenko, Cand. Hist. Sci., Head of the History of Ancient States Formerly on USSR Territory and the Ancient World Group, I. A. Shishova, Cand. Hist. Sci., Learned Secretary I. V. Kouklina, Cand. Hist. Sci. Among other things, they wrote that our research was “obviously contradicting the founding principles of the Marxist historical science… the Universal History Sector as well as the history of Ancient States Formerly on USSR Territory and the Ancient World Group considering the publication of A. T. Fomenko’s Methods of Statistical Analysis of Narrative Texts and their Applications to Chronology an absolute impossibility”. The historians demanded the publication of the book to be stopped in the most categorical way, and so the typesetting of the book was recycled.

The Nauka Publishing House planned to publish our book titled The Geometrical and Statistical Analysis of Star Configurations. The Dating of the Star Catalogue of Almagest authored by A. T. Fomenko, V. V. Kalashnikov and G. V. Nosovskiy in 1991. It was reviewed and submitted for publishing. However, when a significant part of work had already been done, the Nauka publishing house all but ceased its publishing activity due to the change of the political and economical climate in the country. The book was published later, in 1995, by the Faktorial Publishing House that had received the prepared materials from Nauka, which would subsequently resume work and publish two more of our books on chronology in 1996 and 1997.

As we can see, the release of A. T. Fomenko’s Methods in 1990 was followed by a break of sorts. After that, starting in 1993, a number of books covering the current stages of our research eventually got published. This was when the term New Chronology had been coined in reference to the chronology that was beginning to emerge due to the application of our new dating methods. It was new in the sense of differing from the consensual chronology of Scaliger-Petavius, and should have really been called the Correct Chronology due to its freedom from the errors of the Scaligerian school.

The publication of books on the new chronology was undertaken by a number of Muscovite publishing houses: MSU Publishing, the MSU Educational Centre of Pre-University Education Publishing, as well the publishing houses Nauka, Faktorial, Kraft, Olimp, Anvik, and Delovoi Express. Outside Russia our books on chronology were published in both English and Russian by Kluwer Academic Press (the Netherlands), CRC Press (USA), and Edwin Mellen Press (USA). In 2000-2003 the entire material was collected, processed and arranged as the seven volumes of Chronology.

Starting in 1995-1996, a large number of articles discussing our books on the new chronology began to appear in various newspapers and magazines. Most of them expressed two polar points of view. One camp enjoyed our books a great deal, whilst the other was positively infuriated by them. About a hundred of such articles appeared every year; their numbers surged dramatically in 1999-2000.

In 1998, the Free Russia radio station had been broadcasting a series of radio programmes for over six months, where Y. S. Chernyshov brilliantly rendered the contents of our books. Namely, he had read the nearly complete text of the two of our books on the radio – The Empire and The New Chronology of Russia, England, and Rome. In addition to that, the first couple of chapters of The Biblical Russia also received a reading. The programmes were resumed in 2001, but ceased shortly after that, despite Y. S. Chernyshov being ready to continue with them.

In 1998, seven series of the Night Flight programme on TVC (produced by ATV Studios, a.k.a. Author Television, hosted by A. M. Maksimov) featured A. V. Podoinitsyn, a Muscovite economist and a member of the informal “New Chronology” organization as their special guest. A. V. Podoinitsyn had related the main points of our research and answered a great many of the viewers’ questions live. The programmes had caused a great resonance.

In 2001 and 2002 G. K. Kasparov, the World Chess Champion, voiced his support of the critical part of the New Chronology publicly.

In 1999, the prominent writer, sociologist, logician, and philosopher A. A. Zinoviev, who had just returned to Russia after many years spent in emigration, got in touch with us. Having read some of our publications, he decided that our concept was generally a correct one, concurring well with his own research in the field of history and historical falsifications. He voices a number of related ideas in his preface to the new edition of our Introduction to the New Chronology, 2001, Kraft Publishing (read it in Book 1 of the History: Fiction of Science series).

In 1996, our materials on the new chronology started to appear online. The number of related web sites keeps on growing and at the moment there are about ten of them in Russia and at least one in Germany, which is the brainchild of Professor E. Y. Gabovitsch (Karlsruhe and Potsdam, Germany), the founder of the new German Salon of History – the institution where the new chronology has been discussed very actively over the last couple of years. E. Y. Gabovitsch has also helped us immensely with archive research he had conducted in Germany. A number of valuable ideas and considerations of his have helped with the reconstruction of the true history.

The web site is currently becoming increasingly popular in Russia, offering constant discussion opportunities for both proponents and opponents of the new chronology; its URL is chronologia.org (see also: history.mithec.com).

The reaction of historians during the period of 1990-1998 was rather lukewarm and didn’t go beyond the odd occasional article whose authors didn’t even bother to give scientific counter-arguments but merely expressed their disapprobation. The radical change came about in 1998. One of the Presidium sessions of the Russian Academy of Sciences was gathered with the sole purpose of discussing our research.

Later on, the History Department Bureau of the Academy was called for a special session, and the issue was also discussed at the subsequent session of the Mathematics Department Bureau. The History Department Bureau had proposed an entire combat plan for opposing the new chronology, which was implemented most visibly in December 1999, when the History Department of the MSU organized a large conference suggestively enough named “The Myths of the New Chronology”. The main point of the conference agenda was that of a categorical deprecation of our research, and the conclusion was made that the new research should be pronounced perfectly unacceptable, all research concerning the New Chronology was to be banned, and its authors reprimanded severely. (See details in Chron7, Appendix 4). A rather amusing process commenced shortly afterwards. The materials of this conference were published several times under different titles and covers, with minute variations. Our opponents went so far as to publish a whole series of book under the title of “Anti-Fomenko”. There are seven such books to date, and all of them duplicate each other; it looks like their number might grow in near future. We familiarized ourselves with the criticisms thoroughly and learned that the historians haven’t managed to find any original counter-arguments. The material was presented in a more “scientific” and “advanced” manner, with considerable progress made in the fine art of attaching labels. We have written a detailed reply, see Chron7, Appendix 4.

Starting with 1996, a number of books proving the falsity of Western European mediaeval chronology were published by German scientists (see Chron7, Appendix 3). However, the authors of works appear to misperceive the entire scale of the problem, thinking that several minor local corrections of the Scaligerian chronology should suffice. This is a mistake that they need to become aware of before they succeed in any of their endeavours. At the same time, the critical part of those works is written thoroughly enough. The first book that has to be mentioned in this respect is Uve Topper’s The Great Campaign on the falsification of history, as well as C-14 Crash by Blöss and Nimitz that conveys to us the knowledge of radiocarbon analysis (see Bibliography).

The years 2000-2001 have been marked by the publication of such books as The True History of Russia and Multi-Optional History by Alexander Goutz, a mathematician from Omsk, and N. I. Khodakovsky’s The Temporal Spiral. A. Boushkov’s The Russia That Never Was is also visibly influenced by our works. This list can be continued. Despite the fact that the key chronological issues are not related in these books, they unravel several new and interesting facts that confirm our general concept.

However, we must firmly disagree with a number of ideas voiced in these works and ones similar to them. Being in favour of such activity in general, we beg to differ between these works and our scientific research of chronology. We regard ascribing what we clearly did not say to us, or speaking on behalf of the New Chronology without our consent, as perfectly unacceptable. All that we deem worth relating is already published in our books, or will be formulated in the upcoming ones. They remain the original source for the entire concept of the New Chronology. It is also unacceptable to ascribe our ideas and results, leave alone the basic postulates of our concept, to others. We thoroughly deprecate the use of the term that we coined along with the entire concept of New Chronology for the propaganda of views that we do not share.

Let us mention another interesting effect. The recent publication of certain authors is clearly derivative, spawned by the “echoes” of the New Chronology. Such “informational reverberations” are doubtlessly of use; nevertheless, one has to bear in mind that they neither constitute the essence of the New Chronology, nor its foundations, namely, the natural scientific dating methods and the new concept of history that has evolved from those as our hypothesis. Any attempts to replace the foundations of the New Chronology with derivative observations of linguistical or historical nature may create the illusion of being essential or evidential to the New Chronology. This is untrue. The conception is based on statistical and astronomical dating methods first and foremost.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy

April 2001

1.

The strange leap of parameter D" in the theory of lunar motion

Nowadays we have special calculation tables – the so-called canons – whose compilation was based on the theory of lunar motion ([534]). They contain the date of each eclipse, the area to be covered by the lunar shadow, the phase, etc. See the famous astronomical canon of Ginzel, for instance ([1154]). If an ancient text describes some eclipse in enough detail, we can determine what characteristics of the eclipse had been observed – the phase, the geographical area that the shadow passes over, etc. The comparison of these characteristics to the referential ones contained in the tables may give a concurrence with an eclipse possessing similar characteristics. If this proves a success, we can date the eclipse. However, it may turn out that several eclipses from the astronomical canon fit the description; in this case the dating is uncertain. All the eclipses described in the “ancient” and mediaeval sources have been dated by the following method to some extent at least ([1154], [1155], [1156], [1315], [1316], [1317], etc.).

Nowadays the datings of the “ancient” eclipses are occasionally used in astronomical research. For instance, the theory of lunar motion has the notion of the so-called parameter D" – the second derivative of lunar elongation that characterizes acceleration. Let us remind the reader of the definition of elongation. Fig. 2.1 shows the solar orbit of the Earth and the telluric orbit of the moon. The angle between the vectors ES and EM is called lunar elongation D – the angle between the lines of sight drawn from the Earth to the Sun and the moon. Apparently, it is time-dependent. An example of the elongation of Venus can be seen in the picture on the right. Maximal elongation is the angle where the line of sight as drawn from Earth to Venus (E'V') touches the orbit of Venus. One has to note that the orbits in fig. 2.1 are shown as circular, while being elliptic in reality – however, since the eccentricity is low here, the ellipses are schematically drawn as circles.

Fig. 2.1. Lunar elongation is the angle between the vectors ES and EM. The elongation of Venus is the angle between ES and EV. The maximal elongation of Venus is the angle between E'S and E'V'.

Some computational problems related to astronomy require the knowledge of lunar acceleration as it had been in the past. The problem of calculating parameter D" over a large time interval as a time function was discussed by the Royal Society of London and the British Academy of Sciences in 1972 ([1453]). The calculation of the parameter D" was based on the following scheme: the equation parameters of lunar motion, including D", are taken with their modern values and then varied in such a way that the theoretically calculated characteristics of ancient eclipses coincide with the ones given for dated eclipses in ancient documents. Parameter D" is ignored for the calculation of actual eclipse dates, since the latter are a rougher parameter whose calculation does not require the exact knowledge of lunar acceleration. Alterations in lunar acceleration affect secondary characteristics of the eclipse, such as the shadow track left by the moon on the surface of the Earth, which may be moved sideways a little.

The time dependence of D" was first calculated by the eminent American astronomer Robert Newton ([1303]). According to him, parameter D" can be “defined well by the abundant information about the dates scattered over the interval from 700 B.C. until the present day” ([1304], page 113). Newton calculated 12 possible values of parameter D", having based them on 370 “ancient” eclipse descriptions. Since R. Newton trusted Scaligerian chronology completely, it is little wonder that he took the eclipse dates from Scaligerian chronological tables. The results of R. Newton combined with the results obtained by Martin, who was processed about 2000 telescopic observations of the moon from the period of 1627-1860 (26 values altogether) have made it possible to draw an experimental time dependency curve for D", qv fig. 2.2.

Fig. 2.2. The D" graph calculated by Robert Newton. Parameter D" is measured here as seconds divided by century^2. Parameter D" performs a sudden leap on the interval of the alleged VI-XI centuries A.D. Taken from [1303] and [1304].

According to R. Newton, “the most stunning fact… is the drastic drop in D" that begins with 700 [A.D. – A. F.] and continues until about 1300… This drop implies the existence of a “square wave” in the osculating value of D"… Such changes in the behaviour of D", and such rates of these changes, cannot be explained by modern geophysical theories” ([1304], page 114; [1453]). Robert Newton wrote an entire monograph titled Astronomical Evidence Concerning Non-Gravitational Forces In The Earth-Moon System ([1303]) that was concerned with trying to prove this mysterious gap in the behaviour of D", which manifested as a leap by an entire numeric order. One has to note that these mysterious non-gravitational forces failed to manifest in any other way at all.

Having studied the graph that was drawn as a result of these calculations, R. Newton had to mark that “between the years (-700) and (+500), the value of D" remains the lowest as compared to the ones that have been observed for any other moment during the last 1000 years” ([1304], page 114).

Newton proceeds to tell us that “these estimations combined with modern data tell one that D" may possess amazingly large values, and that it has been subject to drastic and sudden fluctuations over the last 2000 years, to such an extent that its value became inverted around 800 A.D.” ([1453], page 115).

Summary:

1. The D" value drops suddenly, and this leap by an entire order begins in the alleged V century A.D.;

2. Beginning with the XI century and on, the values of the parameter D" become more or less constant and close to its modern value;

3. In the interval between the alleged V and XI centuries A.D. one finds D" values to be in complete disarray.

This strange fact has a natural explanation within the paradigm of the New Chronology.

2.

Are the “ancient” and mediaeval eclipses dated correctly?

2.1. Some astronomical data

Let us give a brief digest of the information that shall ensure a better understanding of the current chapter. More detail can be found in such sources as [534], for instance.

When the moon gets into the cone of telluric shadow, one can observe a lunar eclipse on Earth – more specifically, on its nocturnal hemisphere, the one that faces the moon. A lunar eclipse can be observed from any point of the Earth’s nocturnal hemisphere. An eclipse doesn’t last longer than three hours and is only possible during a full moon; however, due to the irregularity of lunar motion, it doesn’t happen every time the moon is full. The repetition of lunar eclipses is roughly and approximately periodic, and conforms to the so-called Saros cycle. A Saros period equals about 18 years. 28 lunar eclipses occur over this time, so one can find an eclipse that falls over virtually every given year. A Saros is easily determined over 50-60 years of systematic observation, and might have already been known at the dawn of astronomy. The prediction of lunar eclipses based on the Saros cycle is nevertheless somewhat uncertain, not only due to the imprecision of the Saros cycle, but also because of the fact that the eclipse might occur when the hemisphere where the observer is located is illuminated by sunlight, which renders the moon invisible.

A solar eclipse occurs when the observer gets into the cone of the lunar shadow. If the solar disc is completely covered by the moon, the place where the eclipse can be observed becomes darkened to the extent of making the stars visible. This is a full eclipse whose duration does not exceed 8 minutes in the equatorial zone, and 6 in moderate latitudes. The lunar shadow moves across the surface of the Earth at the speed of about 110 meters per second, forming a narrow line. The width of this line does not exceed 4 degrees. The track of the umbral shadow is bordered by stripes of penumbral shadow, whose width as counted from the centre of the umbral shadow comprises about 30 degrees in moderate latitudes and about 15 degrees near the equator. The observer in the penumbral shadow only sees a partial covering of the solar disc by the moon: a partial eclipse. The maximal degree of the covering of the solar disc by the lunar shadow is called the depth, or the phase of the eclipse. The estimations of the phase are usually expressed by the b value that is calculated by the formula b=12h, h being the ratio between the shadow-covered part of the solar diameter and the entirety of the latter. Hence, a total eclipse of the Sun will have a phase value of 12. A solar eclipse becomes visible as a darkening of the solar disc starting with the phase values of 3"–4".

The lunar eclipse phases are calculated differently – namely, another item that is proportional to the duration of the eclipse if the latter is more than full is added to the phase value of 12". Thus, the phase value of a lunar eclipse might reach up to 22.7".

In cases of solar eclipses there may be situations when the cone of the moon’s umbral shadow does not reach the Earth. In this case, an annular solar eclipse is possible, when no stars are visible, as is the case with all partial solar eclipses. A solar eclipse is only possible when the moon is new; however, not every new moon is marked by a solar eclipse, since the Earth may slip past the cone of the lunar shadow due to the incline of the lunar orbit towards the ecliptic (or the plane of the telluric orbit). This is why there are only 2-7 solar eclipses happening every year. Every geographical area of the Earth gets an eclipse with a minimal phase value of 6" in the span of 10-20 years from any date.

Predicting solar eclipses is a truly formidable task due to the complexity of the lunar motion that is defined by a large number of external factors. One may attempt to predict solar eclipses by the Saros cycle that includes about 43 solar eclipses – 15 of them being partial, 14 annular, 2 belonging to the category of the so-called “total-annular,” and 12 total. However, the eclipses from the Saros cycle can occur in different areas of the Earth, and so a prediction for a given location is true in one case out of 400 in general. That is to say, the probability of a correct prediction based on the Saros cycle equals 1/400 ([544], Volume 4, page 415). In theory, the so-called triple Saros, whose duration is 24 years, should be more precise; however, the probability that it may give a correct prediction equals about 1/99, so it is of little practical utility. From the astronomical point of view, the empirical triple Saros can only be discovered as a result of long-time solar eclipse observations. Due to the low recurrence rate of the eclipses separated by the triple Saros, let alone the problems of mathematical processing of the empirical data necessary for the calculation of an undefined recurrence rate, any such discovery would imply a well-developed system of natural sciences.

A more or less certain prediction of solar eclipses is apparently only made possible by the existence of a sufficiently advanced theory of lunar motion that would at least account for the principal irregularities of the latter. Thus, the prediction of solar eclipses remained a de facto impossibility a hundred years after Copernicus. We should thus treat the eclipse prediction reports preceding the XVI-XVII centuries with the utmost caution, or even suspicion.

2.2. The discovery of an interesting effect: an unprejudiced astronomical dating shifts the dates of the “ancient” eclipses to the Middle Ages

Dealing with certain celestial mechanics issues in the 1970s, the author of the current book discovered the possibility of a link between the alleged gap in the value of D" (see [1303]) and the results of N. A. Morozov’s research concerning the datings of ancient eclipses ([544]). A study of the issue and a new calculation of parameter D" attains an altogether different quality; namely, one sees the complete elimination of the mysterious leap. Parameter D" appears to be subject to minute fluctuations around one permanent value coinciding with the current value of this parameter (qv in A.T. Fomenko’s articles [1128] and [883]). All of this can be summed up as follows.

The previous calculation of the parameter D" was based on the dates of ancient eclipses used in the consensual chronology of Scaliger-Petavius. All the astronomers’ attempts to explain the strange gap in D" didn’t get anywhere near the issue of the correctness of datings considered “ancient” and early mediaeval nowadays – in other words, in how far the parameters of the eclipse described in the chronicle correspond with the calculated parameters of the real eclipse that Scaligerian chronology suggests to be described in the chronicle in question.

The following method of independent astronomical dating was proposed in [544]: obtaining all of the characteristics described in the chronicle, such as the phase, the time, geographical observation location, etc., and copying all of the eclipse dates fitting these characteristics from the reference tables mechanically. N. A. Morozov discovered that the astronomers have been under the pressure of Scaligerian chronology, and so only considered the dates that Scaligerian chronology had already ascribed to the eclipse in question and the events related thereto ([544]).

As a result, in many cases astronomers failed to find eclipses corresponding to the chronicle description in the required century, and had to resort to approximations, without the merest thought of questioning Scaligerian chronology and indicating eclipses that would fit the chronicle description partially. Having revised the datings of the eclipses considered “ancient,” Morozov found that the reports of these events fall into two categories:

1. Brief and nebulous accounts with no details given. In many cases it is altogether unclear whether the event described is an eclipse at all. The astronomical dating in this category either has no meaning whatsoever, or gives so many possible solutions that they can basically fit any historical epoch at all.

2. Exhaustive, detailed reports. The astronomical solution for those is often singular, or there are two or three solutions at most.

Apparently, all of the eclipses with detailed descriptions falling into the period between 1000 B.C. and 500 A.D. get independent astronomical datings that differ significantly from the ones offered by Scaligerian chronology and belong to a much latter epoch, namely, the interval between 500 and 1700 A.D. Being of the opinion that Scaligerian chronology was correct about the interval 500-1800 A.D. for the most part, Morozov did not analyze the mediaeval eclipses of 500-1700 A.D., assuming that no contradictions would be found there. Let us dwell on this for a short while.

Morozov didn’t possess the sheer deliberation needed for the realization that Scaligerian chronology had been erroneous up until the epoch of the XI-XIII century A.D. He stopped with the VI century A.D., assuming more recent chronology to be correct in the form offered by Scaliger and Petavius. His erroneous presupposition naturally affected the analysis of the “ancient” eclipses. We see today that Morozov’s analysis was not completely objective, since he had obviously been reluctant to alter the post-VI century chronology. This isn’t hard to understand, as the transition from the artificially extended Scaligerian chronology spanning millennia to a much shorter one beginning with the XI century A.D. looked absurd even to N. A. Morozov.

In Volume 4 of [544], for instance (in Section 4, Part II, Chapter 2), Morozov discusses one of the eclipses that is today ascribed to the V century A.D., being of the opinion that its Scaligerian dating is confirmed. However, it becomes obvious that no confirmation of the Scaligerian chronology could have possibly taken place. The description of the eclipse is quite nebulous, and the use of comets for dating purposes is impossible due to reasons that shall be related in the chapter of Chron5 where we consider comet lists specifically. Being certain that Scaligerian history was following the correct chronology ever since the V century A.D., Morozov was inconsistent in his analysis of post-V century eclipses. Had he encountered an equally nebulous description referring to a pre-IV century eclipse, he would have justly considered it a description that cannot be proved astronomically.

Morozov made a similar mistake in his descriptions of other eclipses dated to the alleged V-VI century A.D. He treated them a lot more benevolently than their pre-IV century precursors. The eclipses of the VI-XI century weren’t checked by Morozov at all, since he had believed the Scaligerian datings to have been satisfactory. Unlike Morozov, we have continued with the critical research, having covered the post-V century period up until the XVII century A.D., and discovered that Morozov should not have stopped with the IV-V century. The datings of the eclipse descriptions that are ascribed nowadays to the X-XIII centuries A.D. contradict astronomy to just as great an extent as those preceding the IV century A.D. In cases when there’s a concurrence of sorts, one almost always discovers that these eclipses have been calculated a posteriori, that is, affixed to a certain point in the past by the mediaeval chronologers of the XVI-XVII century in order to confirm Scaligerian chronology, whose naissance occurred around that time. Having calculated the dates for certain lunar eclipses of the past, Scaligerite chronologers included them in the “ancient” chronicles that they were creating in order to give “solid proof” to the false chronology. It is of course possible that the odd occasional veracious description of the VI-XIII century eclipses would reach the chronologists of the XVI-XVII century. However, it would surely have to pass the filter of the Scaligerian version and be “brought into accordance” with the “correct” dates.

Thus, continuing the research that began in [544], the author of this book conducted an analysis of other mediaeval eclipses in the interval between 400 and 1600 A.D. It turned out that the “transfer effect” affecting the “ancient” eclipses as described in [544] also applies to those usually dated to 400-900 A.D. This either means that there are many possible astronomical solutions, which make the dating uncertain, or there are just one or two, in which case they all fall in the interval between 900 and 1700 A.D. Only starting with approximately 1000 A.D. – and not 400 A.D., according to Morozov in [544] – does the Scaligerian dating begin to concur with the results of Morozov’s method satisfactorily enough, becoming more or less certain by as late a date as 1300 A.D.

Let us give a few extremely representative examples demonstrating how the “ancient” eclipses and the chronicles that describe them become a great deal younger.

2.3. Three eclipses described by the “ancient” Thucydides

Scaligerian history tries to convince us that Thucydides was born in approximately 460 B.C., or 456-451 B.C., and died around 396 B.C. ([924], page 405). He was a wealthy aristocrat and politician from Athens. During the Peloponnesian war Thucydides was in command of the Athenian fleet, albeit unsuccessfully. He was subsequently banished from Athens for 20 years. He wrote his famous tractate during his sojourn in Thracia. Thucydides had received amnesty near the end of the war; he returned to Athens and died shortly afterwards.

Historical tradition trusts Thucydides in his descriptions of military events, considering him an eyewitness and a participant. Thucydides himself writes the following: “I was writing down the events witnessed by myself as well as what I had heard from others, after as meticulous a study of each fact as circumstances allowed… I have survived the entire war… understood it, and studied it attentively” ([923], V:26).

Thucydides is the only source that we have in what concerns the history of the Peloponnesian War. Historians write that “after Thucydides… nobody turned to the history of the Peloponnesian war ever again. Many have however thought it would prove flattering for them to be seen as his followers, and started their own works where the tractate of Thucydides ended” ([961], page 171). It is supposed that the work of Thucydides either hadn’t had any title at all originally ([924], page 412), or had been called Communal Account in Greek, having received the name History of the Peloponnesian War in later translations. The entire historical account of the 27-year war between the Ionians and the Dorians (could Doria mean “Horde” when read in reverse?) is given by Thucydides clearly and consequentially, though it remains incomplete.

The entire work of Thucydides, whose volume comprises about 800 pages when printed ([923]), is written in a brilliant style. Numerous commentators have pointed out the following hallmarks of his book a long time ago:

1. Thucydides demonstrates great erudition and writing experience;

2. The phrase constructions are complex and contain non-trivial grammatical structures;

3. One sees a clear development of an elegant realistic concept in the account of historical facts;

4. The author is sceptical about everything supernatural in people’s lives.

We are being convinced that this work was wrtitten in the V century B.C. when writing materials had still been scarce and expensive – the Mesopotamians use styluses to scribble on clay, the Greeks aren’t familiar with paper yet, and write on pieces of tree bark or use sticks for writing on wax-covered plaques.

The oldest written copy of the History of Thucydides is supposed to be the Codex Laurentinianus parchment dated to the alleged X century ([924], page 403). All other old manuscripts belong to the alleged XI-XII centuries ([924], page 403). Some papyrus fragments of the second book of Thucydides were found in Egypt in the XIX century. A papyrus commentary is also in existence, published as late as 1908. However, the condition of these fragments is very poor indeed ([544], Volume 4, page 495). Let us note straight away that the datings of all the “oldest” manuscripts listed are based on palaeographical hypotheses exclusively, and therefore don’t seem very trustworthy. Any alteration of the chronology changes all of these “palaeographical datings” automatically.

There are no calendar dates mentioned in the History by Thucydides, and no planetary horoscopes. However, it contains the descriptions of three eclipses – two of them solar and one lunar. We shall be calling this combination as a triad. Apart from that, the first book (I:23) contains mentions of solar eclipses – however, those are rather general and vague, and cannot serve for any astronomical dating. The descriptions of the triad, however, are quite sufficient for an unambiguous solution. We shall consider it below.

The second volume of History contains a rather detailed description of the eclipse. (The Russian original refers to the well-known professional Russian translation of Thucydides done by F. G. Mishchenko in the XIX century – [923].) Thucydides writes that “the summer when the Athenians have chased the Aeginians with their wives and children from Aegina [Thucydides is referring to the first year of the war – A. F.]… The very same summer, when the moon was new – apparently, that is the only time when such things can happen – the sun became darkened after midday and became full again, attaining the shape of a crescent, and several stars appeared” ([923], II:27-28). The Greek text can be seen in fig. 2.3.

Fig. 2.3. The Greek text of Thucydides describing the first eclipse from the “Thucydides triad” – a solar eclipse. Taken from [1154], page 176.

Let us pay attention to the fact that the author appears to understand the mechanism of the eclipse well, mentioning the new moon to be a necessary condition, which is a reference to a long-time practice of eclipse observation in the epoch of Thucydides.

The second eclipse of the triad, also solar, happens in the eighth year of the Peloponnesian war, in the beginning of summer. Thucydides writes in the fourth volume that “the winter has ended, and with it – the seventh year of this war, whose history has been described by Thucydides. In the beginning of the next summer, with the advent of the new moon, a partial solar eclipse took place” ([923], IV:51-52). The Greek text can be seen in fig. 2.4. Apparently, the summer month mentioned as the month when the aestival campaign began was March, the month of Mars when military campaigns were usually started. It shall be interesting to verify this statement after the finite solution of the problem is obtained.

Fig. 2.4. The Greek text of Thucydides describing the second eclipse from the “Thucydides triad” – a solar eclipse. Taken from [1154], page 178.

The third (lunar) eclipse is described in the seventh volume: “The winter was coming to an end together with the eighteenth year of the war whose history has been described by Thucydides. As soon as the next spring began, the Lacedaemonians and their allies invaded Attica, in the earliest season” ([923], VII:18-19). The events of the summer are related in detail further on. The analysis of the manoeuvres described shows that the next sections (50 and 51) most probably refer to the end of summer. This is where Thucydides writes that “when everything was ready, and the Athenians were preparing to sail away, a lunar eclipse occurred; it had been full moon then” ([923], VII:50). See Greek text in fig. 2.5.

Fig. 2.5. The Greek text of Thucydides describing the third eclipse from the “Thucydides triad” – a lunar eclipse. Taken from [1154], page 178.

Let us sum up. The following information can be obtained from the text by Thucydides with absolute certainty:

1. All three eclipses were observed from the square fitting into the following geographical coordinates: longitude between 15 and 30 degrees, latitude between 30 and 42 degrees;

2. The first eclipse is solar;

3. The second eclipse is solar;

4. The third eclipse is lunar;

5. The time interval between the first two eclipses equals 7 years;

6. The interval between the second eclipse and the third equals 11 years;

7. The first eclipse occurs in the summer;

8. The first solar eclipse is a total eclipse, since one can see the stars – that is, its phase value equals 12. Remember, one cannot see any stars during a partial eclipse;

9. The first solar eclipse occurs after midday, local time;

10. The second solar eclipse occurs in the beginning of summer;

11. The lunar eclipse takes place around the end of summer;

12. The second solar eclipse occurred within the temporal vicinity of March. As a matter of fact, this consideration doesn’t have to be included in this list.

The problem can be formulated as follows: finding the astronomical solution that would satisfy the requirements 1-11.

Historians and chronologists have naturally paid attention to such a precise description of three eclipses in an “ancient” work, and tried to date them accordingly. Apparently, the chronologists immediately ran into serious difficulties that haven’t been overcome since. We shall proceed to give a more detailed account of the problem of dating the triad of Thucydides, following the well-known astronomical work of Ginzel ([1154], pages 176-177).

In the XVI century the chronologer Dionysius Petavius found the date that fitted the first eclipse: 3 August, 431 B.C. Johannes Kepler later confirmed the fact that there was indeed an eclipse that day. The beginning of the Peloponnesian war was dated to the very same year, 431 B.C.

Petavius found the dating of the second eclipse as well, which was 21 March, 424 B.C. J. Kepler also confirmed the fact that a solar eclipse took place that day.

The date that D. Petavius found for the third eclipse was 27 August, 413 B.C.

This is how astronomy appears to have dated the events described by Thucydides to the V century B.C. However, a secondary analysis of the “astronomical solution” offered by Petavius unearthed serious complications that were repeatedly discussed in astronomical and chronological literature in the XVIII-XX century. These rather heated debates have recurred and abated several times; however, modern historians prefer to remain taciturn in everything that concerns this long and difficult discussion, pretending that the problem doesn’t exist and has never existed.

The main dating problems that the chronologers ran into concerned the first eclipse. The fact of the matter is that the eclipse of 3 August in 431 B.C. proved an annular one, and so it couldn’t have been total anywhere on Earth. This was realized after the inclusion of the Scaligerian “astronomical dating” of the beginning of the Peloponnesian war into Scaliger’s chronological tables. This eclipse is claimed to have been annular by Ginzel’s canon as well ([1154], page 176). The fact that the eclipse in question was an annular one can also be proved by the existing computer software for eclipse calculations. We have verified it using a simple program called Turbo-Sky that was developed by the Muscovite astronomer A. Volynkin in 1995, which is easy to use and convenient for approximate calculations. The eclipse of 3 August that occurred in 431 B.C. was in fact an annular eclipse.

However, Thucydides tells us explicitly that stars were visible during the eclipse. As we have already stated, one cannot observe the stars during a partial eclipse. Furthermore, it turned out that the phase value of the “Petavius eclipse” of 431 B.C. was rather small in Athens, which means Kepler has also made a mistake in his Optics telling that the phase value of this eclipse had equalled twelve, or, in other words, that the eclipse had been total. Such a statement on the part of Kepler is most probably explained by the imperfection of the eclipse calculation methods of his age. The calculation of the phase of an eclipse is a delicate matter. However, we should not exclude the possibility that Kepler, who was involved in many chronological matters, had been perfectly aware of the fact that one can only see the stars during a total eclipse, and slyly transformed the annular eclipse of 431 B.C. into a full eclipse in order to make it satisfy the description given by Thucydides and protect the nascent Scaligerian chronology from such an unpleasant dissonance. Kepler had been in constant contact with Scaliger, who had been his correspondent.

Due to the abovementioned circumstances, astronomers and chronologists started new calculations of the phase of the eclipse that took place in 431 B.C. All sorts of empirical corrections were made in the equations of lunar movement in order to make the phase value of the eclipse as observed from Athens and neighbouring areas approach 12. Among the most prominent astronomers of the time that have dealt with the “Thucydides triad problem” we find such names as Petavius, Zech, Heis, Struyck, Kepler, Riccioli, Hofman, Ginzel, Johnson, Lynn, Stockwell and Seyffarth.

According to Petavius, the phase value of the eclipse equalled 10"25 ([1337], page 792). The phase value equalled 11" according to Struyck, 10"38 according to Zech, 10"72 according to Hofman, and only 7"9 according to Heis (!) ([1154], pages 176-177). Ginzel devoted the most attention to the problem of the “stars of Thucydides.” He came up with a phase value of 10" ([1154], pages 176-177). It became perfectly clear that apart from having been annular, the eclipse could only have been observed from Athens as partial, and with a rather small phase value at that. The lunar shadow track on the surface of the Earth during the eclipse of 3 August 431 B.C. is shown in fig. 2.6 as a dotted line, which signifies the fact that the eclipse was an annular one. No umbral shadow could be observed anywhere.

Fig. 2.6. The erroneous astronomical “solution” for the “Thucydides triad” of eclipses as offered by D. Petavius. The track of the lunar shadow for the first annular solar eclipse of 431 B.C. is represented by a dotted line. The track for the second solar eclipse of 424 B.C. is represented by a solid line, with the large dot standing for the zenith point of the lunar eclipse of 413 B.C. Taken from [544], Volume 4, page 505.

The fact that the phase value of the Athenian eclipse of 431 B.C. only equalled 10" means that 1/6th of the solar disc was open. This is all but bright daytime, and one naturally cannot see any stars or planets. Furthermore, as it is made obvious in fig. 2.6, this eclipse had only passed Crimea around 17:22 local time (17:54 according to Heis). Thus, it can hardly be called an afternoon eclipse as Thucydides explicitly states. It should rather be called an evening eclipse.

We have computed the respective positions of the moon and the sun at the moment when the phase value had been maximal for the observation point – the city of Athens and the area around it. One can see the screenshot in fig. 2.7. It is obvious that a large part of the solar disc is open, and neither stars nor planets can possibly be seen.

Fig. 2.7. The solar disc during the maximal phase of the 431 B.C. eclipse as seen from Athens. A large part of the sun remained uncovered. Neither stars nor planets were visible. Calculated with Turbo-Sky software.

Thus, the eclipse of 3 August 431 B.C. couldn’t have been the one described by Thucydides, since conditions 8 and 9 aren’t satisfied, as shown above.

This discovery was naturally a most unpleasant one for the Scaligerite chronologers and historians. The astronomer Ginzel went so far as to claim that “the low phase value which equalled 10" for Athens according to the latest calculations caused a shock and significant doubt about the fact that ‘the stars could be seen,’ as Thucydides claims” ([1154], page 176).

Since the stars clearly couldn’t have been visible during the eclipse of 431 B.C., Heis and Lynn decided to calculate the disposition of bright planets in hope that they might save the situation. However, it turned out that Mars was only 3 degrees above the horizon. Venus was high enough, about 30 degrees above the horizon. Ginzel makes the cautious remark in regards to Venus and Mars that these two planets “may have been visible” ([1154], page 176). However, this probability is low in what was practically broad daylight. All other hopes have been for Jupiter and Saturn, but it turned out that Jupiter was below the horizon during the eclipse, and therefore invisible; and as for Saturn, although it was above the horizon, its location was in Libra, a long way off to the south, and, according to Ginzel, its “visibility was very dubious [sehr zweifelhaft]” ([1154], page 176).

We have used the Turbo-Sky software in order to compute the planet locations for the time of the eclipse that occurred on 3 August 431 B.C. (see fig. 2.8). What one sees here is a view of the sky from Athens for the maximal phase of the eclipse at 14:57 GMT. It is clear that Venus, Mars, and the much dimmer Mercury are close to the sun, and thus rendered invisible by the rays of the partially obscured radiant orb. Their visibility in broad daylight is extremely improbable.

Fig. 2.8. Planet disposition at the moment of the eclipse in 431 B.C. Venus and Mars are close to the sun, and most probably aren’t visible with a large part of the solar disc exposed. Mercury is altogether dim, whereas Jupiter is below the horizon. Saturn is far away to the south, and its hypothetical visibility is “quite dubious”, as Ginzel justly points out.

The gravity of the situation that the proponents of Scaligerian chronology had been well aware of made Johnson suggest a different eclipse, one that occurred on the 30th of March in 433 B.C.; however, it isn’t included in any triad. The nearest triads are 447, 441 and 430 B.C., and 412, 405 and 394 B.C. They don’t fit for different reasons. The phase value of the eclipse suggested by Johnson also turned out to have equalled a mere 7"8, which is even less than the eclipse mistakenly suggested by Petavius ([1154], page 177).

Stockwell then tried to revise the calculations in order to make the phase maximal. However, the very peak of his ingenuity only allowed him the result of 11"06. However, Ginzel’s reaction to Stockwell’s calculations was quite sceptical.

Seyffarth put forward a hypothesis that Thucydides may have been referring to the eclipse of 27 January 430 B.C. ([1154], page 177). However, despite the fact that this eclipse is far from fitting the description given by Thucydides (for instance, it cannot be included into any triad at all), a thorough check showed that the eclipse could not have been visible near Athens ([1154], page 177).

The shock that Ginzel mentioned eventually became replaced by a confusion of sorts, which has brought about altogether different considerations that led farther and farther away from astronomy; among those – pure demagogy. Zech, for instance, tried to eliminate the problem by his references to “the clear skies of Athens and the sharp eyes of the ancients” ([1154], page 177). Apparently, our contemporaries would fail to see any stars at all, but the ancients were an altogether different race. Their vision was a lot keener. They ran faster, too.

Hofman went even further in his suggestion to consider the stars of Thucydides a mere rhetorical embellishment ([1154], page 177). This translates as “we trust him in every other respect, but refuse to do so in this particular instance.” Hofman tries to find linguistic proof for his theory, implying that Thucydides reports the appearance of stars when the sun had already assumed the shape of a crescent. We have asked the philologist E. V. Alekseyeva (Department of Philology, MSU, 1976 – see Annex) to perform a philological analysis of the text that can be seen in fig. 2.3. The linguistic verdict was that the following four events are described by Thucydides:

1. The occultation of the sun;

2. The crescent shape assumed by the sun;

3. The appearance of stars;

4. The restoration of the entirety of the solar disc.

Thus, the entire eclipse process is described. The darkening of the disc at the beginning, its transformation into a crescent, and the subsequent visibility of the stars (this only happens at the maximal phase of a total eclipse), and the return of the disc to its original form. The consequence of events 1-4 is quite natural, and is unequivocally defined by the grammatical structure of the phrase. Actually, that was exactly the way that the professional translator quoted above, F.G. Mishchenko, translated this fragment from the ancient Greek in the XIX century. The analysis performed by E. V. Alekseyeva confirmed the correctness of the classical translation yet again – it wouldn’t have been questioned in the first place, if it hadn’t been for the problem with astronomical dating that arose in this respect.

Therefore, Hofman’s opinion, that was also shared by the modern astronomer Robert Newton, is really based on the wish to save Scaligerian chronology at any cost, and not the actual translation.

We see that the attempt to substitute astronomy for linguistics does not solve the problem.

Despite all this, the erroneous date offered by Petavius wasn’t altered, and any modern history textbook indicates the date that the Peloponnesian war began as 431 B.C., albeit for no other reasons than Petavius’ opinion. His chronology has been legitimized despite its blatant deviation from the clear and unambiguous description of Thucydides.

The description contained in the original text is a detailed and fundamental, which makes all attempts of rectifying the case by playing with the text look ridiculous. Apart from Hofman’s “solution,” it was proposed to alter the durations of the intervals between the neighbouring eclipses (the ones that equal 7 and 11 years according to Thucydides). However, even the authors of this proposal refused to elaborate on it.

It is hard to doubt that Thucydides was referring to a full eclipse when describing the first one of the triad. In case of the second eclipse (which was partial) he explicitly states that “a partial eclipse of the sun occurred when the moon was new” ([923], IV:52). The word “partial” is used here; apparently, the author understood the difference between a total eclipse and a partial eclipse quite well. That is why he emphasized the visibility of the stars in the first case, which is a hallmark of a total eclipse.

Let us give a summary. The astronomers failed to find any other fitting astronomical solutions in the interval between 600 and 200 B.C. However, no one had thought of broadening the search interval so that the Middle Ages would be included. It is well understood – they have all been raised on Scaligerian chronology, and trusted it, by and large. As a result, the erroneous triad of Petavius was kept, despite the fact that this “solution” contradicts the text of Thucydides. The use of the independent dating method in the entire interval between 900 B.C. and 1700 A.D. shows that a precise astronomical solution does exist; furthermore, there are only two solutions that fit exactly. The first one was discovered by N. A. Morozov in [544], Volume 4, page 509; the second, by A. T. Fomenko during a new analysis of the “ancient” and mediaeval eclipses.

The first solution (N.A. Morozov):

- 1133 A.D., 2 August (total solar);

- 1140 A.D., 20 March (total solar);

- 1151 A.D., 28 August (lunar).

The second solution (A.T. Fomenko):

- 1039 A.D., 22 August (total solar);

- 1046 A.D., 9 April (partial solar);

- 1057 A.D., 15 September (lunar).

Even condition 12, stipulating the time around March for the second eclipse, is met here. More importantly, the first eclipse is total, the way Thucydides describes it. Thus, once we managed to venture outside Procrustean paradigm of Scaligerian chronology, we found the answer to a question that has been of great interest to astronomers – that of the astronomical descriptions contained in the book of Thucydides.

Taking all the facts that we already know into consideration, we should conclude that the solution closest to historical reality is apparently the one suggested by Morozov – the more recent triad of eclipses falling on the middle of the XII century – namely, 2 August 1133 A.D., 20 March 1140 A.D., and 28 August 1151 A.D. The XI-century solution is most probably too early. Morozov’s 1133, 1140, and 1151 A.D. solution is illustrated in fig. 2.9. One can see the lunar shadow tracks on the surface of the Earth for total solar eclipses of 1133 and 1140 as well as the zenith visibility point for the lunar eclipse of 1151 A.D.

Fig. 2.9 The triad of eclipses described by the “ancient” Thucydides: 1133, 1140, and 1151 A.D. The solution was found by N. A. Morozov. One sees the lunar shadow tracks for the first two eclipses and the zenith visibility point for the lunar eclipse of 1151. Taken from [544], Volume 4, page 509.

We have verified the two solutions listed above with the Turbo-Sky software. Let us quote the exact data characterizing the total eclipses of 22 August 1039 and the 2 August 1133. They are listed as full in the Oppolzer eclipse canon ([544], Volume 5, pages 77-141). The Turbo-Sky application identifies them as total eclipses as well. We shall give the geographical coordinates of the beginning, middle, and end of the lunar shadow trajectory on the surface of the Earth for the total eclipse of the 2 August 1133. The first line gives the longitude, and the second, the latitude.

–89 +8 +72

+52 +53 +9

The umbral lunar shadow had been at the central point of the trajectory (with the sun in the zenith) from about 11:15 to 11:17 GMT (according to the Turbo-Sky application).

For the eclipse dating from 22 August 1039 of the second triad (the XI-century one), the umbral shadow of the moon was at the central point of the trajectory at about 11:15 GMT. The coordinates are 7 degrees of Eastern longitude and 45 degrees of Northern latitude (Turbo-Sky).

N. A. Morozov made the following justified remark regarding the full eclipse of 2 August 1133 in the XII-century triad: “The sun appeared to rise in total occultation on the southern coast of the Hudson Bay, it had been matutinal in England as well, came to Holland at noon, to Germany, Austria, the vicinity of the Bosporus, Mesopotamia, and the Gulf of Arabia, and set in complete darkness in the Indian ocean” ([544], volume 4, page 508). The eclipse was full and its phase maximal, everything went dark, and one could naturally see the stars in the sky.

Thus, the XII-century triad discovered by N. A. Morozov can be seen as follows:

1) The first total eclipse of the sun occurred on 2 August 1133 A.D. and happened in the following manner:

–89 +8 +72

+52 +53 +9

The central point of the lunar shadow trajectory on the surface of the Earth was passed between about 11:15 and 11:17 GMT (see fig. 2.9; also see [544], Volume 5, page 122).

2) The second full eclipse happened on 20 March 1140, as follows:

–96 –30 +48

+20 +42 +55

The central point of the lunar shadow trajectory on the surface of the Earth passed at approximately 13:40 GMT (Oppolzer’s canon; see [544], Volume 5, page 123, and fig. 2.9).

3) The partial lunar eclipse of 28 August 1151 A.D. had the maximal phase value of 4" at 23:25 GMT. The zenith visibility of the moon concurred with the point whose geographical coordinates were 8 degrees of Eastern longitude, and 7 degrees of Southern latitude ([544], Volume 5, page 51).

This XII-century triad is ideal in all respects. The second eclipse really occurred in March, as one should have expected from the text of Thucydides.

The XI-century triad discovered by A.T. Fomenko:

1) The first solar eclipse, of 22 August 1039 A.D., happened in the following way:

–82 +7 +64

+55 +45 +2

The central point of the lunar shadow trajectory on the surface of Earth was passed at about 11:15 GMT (see fig. 2.9; also see [544], volume 5, page 118).

2) The second solar eclipse (partial) of 9 April 1046 A.D. occurred as follows:

+22 +87 +170

+19 +47 +50

The central point of the lunar shadow trajectory on the Earth surface was passed about 5:46 GMT (Oppolzer canon; see [544], Volume 5, page 123 and fig. 2.9).

3) The partial lunar eclipse of 15 September 1057 A.D. had the maximal phase value of 5" at 18:09 GMT. The zenith visibility of the moon concurred with the point whose geographical coordinates were 86 degrees of Eastern longitude, and 1 degree of Southern latitude ([544], Volume 5, page 49).

The Thucydides eclipse triad is a very substantial argument proving that the History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides couldn’t have been written earlier than the XI century A.D. It is most improbable that the triad is a fantasy of the author, since in that case a fitting astronomical solution would most probably have been nonexistent. It is also hard to consider the eclipses an apocryphal part of the “ancient” text, since they fit the consecutive and detailed narration incredibly well.

N. A. Morozov appears to have been correct in noting that “the book of Thucydides isn’t ancient or mediaeval, it dates [from] the thirteenth century of our era at least, the Renaissance epoch” ([544], Volume 4, page 531).

2.4. The eclipses described by the “ancient” Titus Livy

Let us give a few more examples. Omitting the details this time, we shall just report that the eclipse from the History by Titus Livy (XXXVII, 4, 4) that the modern chronologers ascribe to 190 B.C. or 188 B.C., also fails to satisfy the description of Titus Livy. The situation with the eclipses of Thucydides is repeated yet again. It turns out that an independent astronomical dating yields just one precise solution in the interval between 900 B.C. and 1600 A.D.: 967 A.D. ([544]).

The situation with the lunar eclipse that Titus Livy describes in his History (LIV, 36, 1) is exactly the same. Scaligerite chronologers suggest that Livy is referring to the eclipse of 168 B.C. However, analysis shows that the characteristics of this eclipse do not fit the description given by Livy. The eclipse that he describes could really have happened on one of the following dates:

- Either in 415 A.D., at night between the 4th and the 5th of September;

- In 955 A.D., at night between the 4th and the 5th of September;

- Or in 1020 A.D., at night between the 4th and the 5th of September.

This pattern of false dating goes on and on. A list of such examples includes all the ancient eclipses that have detailed descriptions. We shall present the whole picture of this effect of moving ancient eclipse dates forward in time, below.

3.

Transferring the dates of the “ancient” eclipses forward in time into the Middle Ages eliminates the enigmatic behaviour of the parameter D"

The author of the current book proceeded to re-calculate the parameter D" values using the new dates for ancient eclipses that were produced as a result of the method described above. The discovered effect of moving ancient eclipses forward in time led to the identification of many “ancient” eclipses with the mediaeval ones. This, in turn, allowed us to expand and alter the list of such mediaeval eclipses. New data were obtained from the descriptions considered “ancient” earlier on, and added to the mediaeval eclipse descriptions. Nevertheless, research has shown that previous values of D" basically didn’t change over the interval of 500-1990 A.D. A new curve for D" can be seen in fig. 2.10.

Fig. 2.10. Comparison of D" graphs as calculated by R. Newton and A. T. Fomenko. Parameter D" is measured here as seconds divided by century2. The new D" graph has neither gaps nor leaps, and fluctuates around a constant value.

The new curve is qualitatively different from the previous one. In the interval between 1000 and 1900 A.D. parameter D" reflects in an even curve on the graph, one that is practically horizontal and fluctuates around a single constant value. It turns out there have never been any drastic leaps in the parameter, whose value has always equalled the current. Therefore, one doesn’t have to invent any mysterious non-gravitational theories.

The fluctuation rate of D" values, which is rather low in the interval of 1000-1900 A.D. grows significantly when we move from 1000 A.D. to the left, towards 500 A.D. This means that either the scarce astronomical descriptions that chronologists ascribe to this period are very nebulous, or, more likely, these chronicles are also misdated, and the events they describe are in need of re-dating. However, due to the utter vagueness of the remaining astronomical descriptions, they cannot be used for dating purposes since they offer too many solutions. The re-dating of the events that precede the XI century shall have to be done by other means and methods, some of which shall be related below.

Further on, to the left from 500 A.D., we see the zone of no observation data. We know nothing at all about this epoch.

The resulting picture reflects the natural temporal distribution of the observation data. The initial precision of the mediaeval observations of the IX-XI centuries was naturally rather low, and then grew together with the precision and perfection of the observation techniques, which resulted in a gradual decrease in the fluctuation of D" values.

4.

Astronomy moves the “ancient” horoscopes into the Middle Ages

4.1. The mediaeval astronomy

The naked eye can see five planets: Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. Their visible movement trajectories are adjacent to the solar ecliptic, or the line of its annual movement. The very word “planet” means “wandering star” in Greek. Unlike stellar motion, the movement of the planets is relatively fast. Their movement on the “sphere of immobile stars” is characterized by significant irregularities that can be explained by the fact that the planet trajectory as observed from the Earth is a result of the projection of the telluric orbit onto the immobile celestial sphere through the moving planet. Most of the time, the planets as observed from Earth follow the sun in their movement. However, after certain periods of time that differ for various planets, they begin to move in the opposite direction. This is the so-called retrograde movement of the planets. We should note that Mercury and Venus don’t go far from the sun in their movement as observed from the Earth. Other planets can get far away from the sun, since their orbits are located beyond the telluric orbit, unlike those of Venus and Mercury.

Complex and seemingly chaotic movement of the planets gave birth to the belief, back in the days of yore, that there is a feedback between planets and human lives. Objectively, this belief was based on the undeniable correlation between the change of seasons and the position of celestial objects. This is how astrology was born – a science of planets, stars, and the effect they have on people’s lives.

A significant part of mediaeval literature contains astrological texts, especially astronomical tractates up until Kepler’s age and even after that. The existence of several competing astrological schools led to the use of lavish symbolism by mediaeval astrologers, which makes it hard to speak of unified astrological definitions. Furthermore, each school developed its own linguistic and symbolic system. However, we shall soon see that many countries have surprisingly enough used a more or less uniform astrological symbolic system – for zodiacal constellations, for example. This can mean that astrology was born relatively recently, in the epoch when the means of communication between the astronomers of different countries had already been developed well enough to provide for regular information exchange and a similar “astrological language” – in Europe and in Egypt, for instance.

It would be expedient to remind the reader that the modern names for planets have been introduced by astrologers. The names for days of the week in such languages as English, French and German are also in direct relation to astrological concepts ([470]).

Planets have roughly the same trajectory on the sky. The circle of their movement along the ecliptic plane is called the zodiac. It is separated into 12 parts or constellations ([571]). Astrology was of the opinion that there is a special relation between the planets and each zodiacal constellation ([470]). A detailed theory was developed in this respect, wherein each constellation and each planet have been assigned a “character”: Mars is alleged to be aggressive, Jupiter divine, Saturn deathly, etc. In the so-called Four Books of the mediaeval astrologers, one may read that “Mars scorches and burns; his colour is red, the colour of fire” ([470]). Colour used to be ascribed to the planets as well – thus, Mars was considered red, Saturn pale, etc. ([470]). The combination of planets and constellations was given special attention. For instance, bloodthirsty Mars entering the sign (constellation) of Leo was considered an extremely dangerous omen of war and bloodshed. Ill-boding Saturn, the “god of death,” when entering the sign of Scorpio, was regarded as an omen of epidemics and plague. Saturn and Scorpio were actually considered symbols of death ([470]).

As we have already mentioned, the projections of planets onto the immobile stellar sphere move in leaps as the Earth revolves around the sun. In its movement between the stars from the west to the east, each planet located outside the orbit of the Earth slows down at some point, then stops and begins to move in the opposite direction. It stops after that, begins to move back, stops again, and resumes its movement from the west to the east. An elongated loop appears as a result – the projection of the telluric orbit onto the immobile stellar sphere through a planet. These leaps were naturally observed a long time ago, and led to the comparison with horses running across the sky.

A horoscope is a name used for referring to the disposition of planets in zodiacal constellations: Mars in Virgo, Saturn in Pisces, etc. Horoscopes can be calculated. The question of a planet’s location in one constellation or another is a question of its fitting into the sector about 30 degrees wide. For many problems, the longitudinal precision of 5 degrees is quite sufficient. The latitude of the planet doesn’t have to be calculated. Their deviations from the ecliptic are minute from the point of view of fitting into a constellation. This is why the old documents that contain horoscopes usually only give the zodiacal, or longitudinal, planetary disposition.

Horoscopes are calculated in the following way. Having fixed the constellational distribution of planets for a given moment (today, for instance), and knowing the numeric values of the periods of the planets’ revolutions around the sun, we can move to the front or to the back using periods divisible by the revolution length, and get zodiacal planetary dispositions for the past or the future. Tables of various precision exist nowadays, ones defining the zodiacal positions of planets. Such tables have been compiled by P. Neugebauer, Newcomb, Leverrier, Morozov and others. Also see [1293]. Such tables exist to answer the question of what the zodiacal position of a given planet was on a given day in a given year. N. A. Morozov and M.A. Viliev have also compiled reverse tables showing when a given planetary disposition may have really taken place ([544], volume 4). Relatively recently a number of good computer applications have appeared that can be used for horoscope calculation. We have employed some of them.

Nowadays we have a rather vague concept of the way of thinking characteristic for mediaeval astrologer astronomers. The astrological hue was dominant in the perception of many mediaeval scientists, not just astronomers. Mediaeval books on astronomy are filled with astrological symbolism despite the fact that they describe real celestial events. These books weren’t written in a cipher – this was the usual way of writing down celestial observations understandable for both writers and readers. For instance, dates of death on gravestones and monuments, or memorable dates, were often written down as horoscopes – in other words, drawn as the zodiacal positions of planets for a given moment in time.

Astrology occupied one of the leading positions as a fundamental cosmological discipline. This ideology is largely lost for us nowadays. That is why the understanding of such books requires the knowledge of the symbolism used therein. An ideological overview of mediaeval astrology is given in [849], for instance. Troels-Lund, a specialist in history of religion, gives an illuminating description of the mediaeval Western European scientific Weltanschauung. This is what he writes about planets in particular:

“Such strange movement could only have been interpreted as a manifestation of will, as proof of independent life… the opaque celestial dome rotates above all of this, and it has ‘stars affixed to it, in figures bearing semblance to animals’… This was nothing but astronomy transformed into a religion… Thus happened the birth of art and science that would never fail to attract human attention for centuries to come, and considered the crown of human knowledge.” ([849], pages 24-26)

The book [849] quotes Biblical fragments that are astronomical in their nature according to Troels-Lund. We shall get back to this issue soon.

The flourishing scientific astrology invariably spawned an offshoot, the so-called applied astrology, or the science of predicting the destinies of people, states and monarchs by planetary movements, or “by the stars.” Astrology enjoyed state support in mediaeval Western Europe ([849]). Astronomy (mixed with astrology) was also extensively used by the Roman church, which employed it for calendarian purposes in particular ([849]).

“Astrology became the leading science of the time, the basis for all other sciences” ([849], page 166).

“If we regard the XVI century astrology objectively nowadays… Our first reaction will be that of surprise at how great a role the belief in stars and the way they affect one played in that epoch… It had not just been the ignorant masses that believed in astrology, even the greatest minds followed suit… It suffices to take a look at the great variety of works on astrology that appeared in the XV and XVI centuries. Just the ones that can be found in the two main Copenhagen libraries, would make a rather voluminous pile… Their authors aren’t obscure anonymous scribblers – on the contrary, these books were written by the greatest minds of the time. There is no name in the XVI century Scandinavia that could compare to Tycho Brahe, one of the greatest representatives of natural sciences… a popularizer of Heinrich Rantzau, the viceroy of Schleswig-Holstein.” ([849], page 169)

About Tycho Brahe: “all of his scientific activity was dedicated to [astrology’s] development to a certain extent” ([849], page 169).

The same can be said about Melancthon and Kepler in Germany. Astrology flourished at the courts of European monarchs in France, England, and Italy. It is known that Rudolf II, Louise of Savoy, Catherine de Medici, Charles IX, Henry IV, and other Western European rulers were active proponents of astrology ([849], pages 170-171).

Melancthon claimed that the Bible gave direct indications of the divine origins of astrology ([849], page 175). The fact that many fragments of the Bible’s prophetic books, for example, are astronomical and contain horoscopes in cipher was considered indisputable in the Middle Ages ([849], page 180).

It is believed that the authority of astrology had received several mortal blows from Copernicus, Newton and Laplace. Therefore, the astrological symbolism of many ancient texts lost its importance and mystery, became lacklustre and soon forgotten. Nowadays the majority of readers will fail to understand it for the most part. The discovery of the chronometer and other instruments rendered quotidian sky observations void of value, which has completely crushed the foundations of astrological ideology.

“There has been no other epoch when people’s direct perception of the sky had been quite as meagre [in reference to the XIX-XX century – A. F.]. There is hardly one person in a hundred in London, Paris and Copenhagen that knows whether the moon is full or new today, or what the current location of Ursa Major is. The light of the nocturnal sky has assumed a purely decorative role.” ([849], pages 212-213)

Unlike the spiritual leaders of the Western European countries, the Russian Orthodox Church is considered to have had a very negative attitude towards astrology.

“A very demonstrative episode occurred in the Kremlin in 1559, when Ivan the Terrible returned the present of a sophisticated clock embellished with moving representations of celestial bodies to the Danish ambassadors, who were told that ‘the present is of no use for a Christian ruler who believes in God without concerning himself with either planets or (celestial) symbols.’” ([775], pages 125-126)

At the same time, astronomy was used in Russia for Paschalian calculations. We shall be relating this in more detail in Chron6. Apart from that, we quote some facts in Chron6 that shall greatly aid in the explanation of the negative attitude of the Orthodox church towards astrology that has been prevalent ever since the second half of the XVI century and continues until the present day.

4.2. The method of unprejudiced astronomical dating

As we have already mentioned, the idea of using the horoscopes contained in old documents for the astronomical dating of the events described in the texts originated as early as the XVI century. It has been occasionally used by astronomers and chronologists of more recent epochs. If some document contains a horoscope, then the use of theoretical calculation tables for reference can allow for the attempt to select a fitting horoscope whose astronomical characteristics would satisfy the description of the old document. A certain date would be the result of these calculations, or a number of dates in case of several astronomical solutions, which will happen if the description is vague or incomplete. However, the practical use of this apparently simple idea ran into great practical complications whose reasons were far from astronomical – the culprit was the existing Scaligerian chronology.

N. A. Morozov had discovered that under the pressure of Scaligerian chronology, the astronomers of the XVII-XIX century had to resort to arbitrary fittings to a greater or a lesser extent in order to make the “historical tradition” that they believed in correspond to the results of their astronomical calculations ([544]). The thing is that the astronomers of the XVII-XVIII century in an epoch when Scaligerian chronology had already been shaped. Therefore, the principal historical reigns, wars, characters, etc. were distributed across the time axis by historians for the most part. This is why astronomers had already “known” the approximate datings of old texts that they needed to date astronomically from historical chronology. The role of astronomers would thus become limited to making marginal corrections of historical datings using the “astronomical method.” If the astronomers failed to find a precise astronomical solution in the “necessary” epoch, they preferred to question the old document’s exactness, and not historical chronology. In such cases astronomers usually utter something along the lines of “the scribe must have made a mistake putting Saturn into Pisces, since it has to be in Virgo so that the events described would fall over the V century B.C.” Correcting Pisces for Virgo, the astronomers ipso facto “confirmed” the opinion of Scaligerite historians who dated the document to the V century B.C.

N. A. Morozov’s great achievement is that he was the first to question the consensual historical chronology, and not the astronomical reports contained in the old documents. He suggested extending the search interval of astronomical solutions so that it would include the entire historical epoch up to the Middle Ages. However, even N. A. Morozov wasn’t entirely consistent and usually preferred not to venture further in time than the VI century A.D.

It turned out that the accurate use of the astronomical method reveals dates that are a lot more recent than the ones offered by Scaliger. Furthermore, in some cases the new dates turn out to pertain to the late Middle Ages! All of this is notwithstanding the fact that the astronomical results obtained by Morozov cannot be regarded as finite. Being certain that only the “ancient” chronology had been incorrect, he was gullible enough to have trusted the mediaeval chronology beginning with approximately 300-500 A.D. This is why he usually failed to research the entire possible time interval, most often contenting himself with attempts at finding the solution in the period between 2000 B.C. and 600 A.D., and only occasionally further into the Middle Ages.

Morozov most often did not consider the later epoch between the XIV and XVIII century at all. He was of the opinion that the “ancient” eclipses and horoscopes couldn’t possibly have moved forward in time to such an extent that they would end up in the XIII or even XVII century A.D. Thus, moving forwards along the time axis in his search of astronomical solutions, he would most probably stop at the first one that fit.

This is why we treat his astronomical results as preliminary when we report them. It is possible that if we carry on with his unfinished research, we shall find astronomical solutions that will be a lot more recent, and occasionally more precise.

However, we can already state the following with certainty: if new and more precise astronomical solutions are really found – this is the case with the Dendera zodiacs and the Apocalypse (see below) – they shall be even closer to us than the ones found by N. A. Morozov, since he had already analyzed the period between the antiquity and the VI century A.D.

4.3. Many “ancient astronomical observations” may have been theoretically calculated by late mediaeval astronomers and then included into the “ancient” chronicles as “real observations”

One shouldn’t forget that in the creation of the “correct history according to Scaliger,” the chronologers of the XVI-XVII century often turned to astronomers asking them to perform calculations of some sort.

We have already mentioned the heavy astrological influence that the mediaeval science was subject to. The astrological schools of the XV-XVII century may have occupied themselves with solving such “scientific” problems as the planet disposition during the coronation of Justinian I (who lived in the VI century A.D. according to the erroneous opinion of the mediaeval chronologers) with astronomical/astrological methods.

Another problem they may have been busy with was giving exact datings to the lunar eclipses of the Roman Empire epoch that the mediaeval chronologers had already erroneously ascribed to the III-VI century A.D.

Yet another one may have been the estimation of the Easter Sunday in the year of the Nicaean council, whose erroneous dating of allegedly the IV century A.D. was already “calculated theoretically” a few years earlier, in the XVI-XVII century.

All these “astronomical calculations” were slyly included in the final editions of ancient chronicles. All of this probably happened in the XVI-XVII and even XVIII century. It was a great body of work, which would have been useful if the chronology created by the mediaeval historians had been correct. However, this chronology proved erroneous, and so the mediaeval astronomers aggravated the mistakes of the historians, calculating planetary dispositions for the VI century A.D. (when Justinian I is supposed to have lived), and entering something like “on the day Justinian I was crowned, the planets were in such-and-such constellations” into the chronicles. As a result, the chronicles may have been given an erroneous chronological and astronomical skeleton, which was apparently just a result of later mediaeval calculations represented as true “ancient astronomical observations” in the chronicles.

Afterwards this partially erroneous and partially falsified material rigidified, gathered some authority dust, and reached us in this exact form. Our contemporaries, both historians and astronomers, read ancient chronicles and rejoice to find “astronomical data” in them. The alleged observations – fruits of theoretical calculations of the XVI-XVIII century – are dated with modern astronomical methods, and everybody is clearly brimming with satisfaction when the results obtained concur with Scaligerian chronology. Thus, the chronology of Scaliger-Petavius receives additional “proof,” which leads to a vicious circle.

Of course, one occasionally finds discrepancies with modern astronomy due to the fact that the astronomical calculation methods of the XVI-XVIII century (those dealing with past dates) were imprecise, and a lot worse than the ones currently used. Upon locating such discrepancies, modern astronomers patronizingly correct the “ancient observer,” which creates an even greater illusion of the veracity of Scaligerian chronology.

What should one do when the results of modern astronomical calculations radically contradict the Scaligerian chronology? In such cases modern historians start talking about “the ignorance of the ancient observers.”

Our new results show that mediaeval chronology can only be trusted from the XVI century on (see Chron5). One needs to perform an even greater body of work in the field of finite independent dating of eclipses and horoscopes present in written sources. According to the latest research, N. A. Morozov’s astronomical solutions are often complemented with new, considerably more precise and recent solutions scattered across the interval between the XIII and XVI century.

4.4. Which astronomical “observations of the ancients” might be a result of late mediaeval theoretical calculations?

Our idea is as follows: the chronologers of the Scaliger-Petavius school first created the erroneous chronology of the ancient and mediaeval history, having arbitrarily extended the real history of the XI-XVII century A.D. into the past.

After that, in the XVI-XVII century a great body of work was started in order to make this scheme “look scientific” and backed by the authority of astronomical calculations. If we’re to call a spade a spade, it was really a deliberate falsification of history.

1) The ”Ancient calendar theories” were put forward. The chronologers of the XVI-XVII century began to “reconstruct” the ancient calendar systems that people had allegedly been using in antediluvian times for hundreds and thousands of years. The “initial points” of calendars would appear as a result of theoretical calculations, as well as dates of the Genesis, the Great Deluge, etc. The results of these calculations would be written into the “ancient” chronicles without any hesitation whatsoever in order to “help maintain chronological order.” What this meant in fact was the confirmation of mistakes or blatant falsifications of the Scaliger-Petavius school. Real mediaeval events assumed wrong datings that moved them a long way into the past. Nowadays these “ancient” datings are considered to prove the Scaligerian history by historians who remain unaware of the fact that many of these “calendar observations” are a result of theoretical calculations of the chronologers of as late an epoch as the XVI-XVII century A.D. – yet another vicious circle.

2) Certain horoscopes may have been calculated in reverse. Rough calculations of planetary dispositions may already have been known in the late Middle Ages. The chronicles would then undergo special editing, after which they began to contain such passages as “in the VIII century since the foundation of Rome, on the day Julius Caesar was murdered, the planets occupied the following positions.” The planet dispositions would be calculated exactly for the I century B.C., since the astronomers of the XVI-XVII century “already knew” in their blind trust of Scaliger-Petavius that Caesar lived in the I century B.C. Nowadays historians believe these “astronomical observations” to be the real thing, and try to present them as proving the correctness of the Scaligerian chronology, which leads to a vicious circle. For instance, one of the astronomer/astrologers of the Middle Ages would first calculate that some astronomical event occurred in the I century B.C. Afterwards the fact that this dating was calculated would fall into oblivion, and the result of the same mediaeval calculation would be called proof – of the fact that Julius Caesar really lived in the I century B.C., for instance.

3) First and foremost, a number of lunar eclipses were calculated into the past. Let us mention that the lunar eclipse calculations are rather simple. They were successfully performed already in the epoch of the XVI-XVII century. Solar eclipses are a different matter, and involve a lot more complex calculation. However, in the XVII, let alone the XVIII century, the astronomers were already capable of counting solar eclipses into the past as well. The “calculated” lunar and solar eclipses may have been included into the erroneous history of Scaliger and Petavius in the following manner: “On the day such-and-such emperor died, an eclipse occurred.” The process was apparently as follows: having calculated that some eclipse occurred in the beginning of the II century A.D., the astronomer would take the “Petavius textbook” and see what emperor’s reign coincided with the date of the eclipse that he had calculated. For instance, Scaligerian chronology would claim that some ruler died that year. The edited chronicle would then become altered to include some phrase like “the moon (or the sun) darkened upon his demise.” The examples of mediaeval calculations that were claimed “ancient observations” a posteriori are given in abundance by the modern astronomer Robert Newton in his well-known work entitled The Crime of Claudius Ptolemy ([614]).

4) The appearances of certain comets may have been calculated into the past. Late mediaeval scientists starting with Tycho Brahe and Kepler were already able to calculate their recurrence periods based on trustworthy observations. The Galley comet may serve as an example. Then the alleged dates of comet appearances were calculated by the extension of several recurrence periods into the past. After that the erroneous “Petavius textbook” was used for reference, and the edited chronicles were altered to contain such phrases as “in the nth year of reign of emperor such-and-such a comet with a fuzzy tail adorned the sky.”

Nowadays we are being convinced that the ancient astronomers really observed all of these “appearances of the Galley comet” in times immemorial. Moreover, these “observations” are nowadays presented as proof of the Scaliger-Petavius history textbook. This is not the case in reality. We shall cover comet “datings” in general and the Galley comet in particular in the chapters of Chron5 that deal with the history of China.

In the XIX-XX century even some of the professional astronomers were taken in, thinking that they dealt with true ancient observational material, which has led to the construction of theories that should have made the calculated trajectory of the Galley comet’s movement “more precise.” However, such “reconstructions” invariably lead to the distortion of the very mathematical theory of the comet’s movement, since certain constants in motion equations have to be obtained from empirical observations. If such observations are incorrect or simply fictitious, the constant values also turn out wrong.

One sees just how serious the consequences for the history of science may prove, ones that arise from the late mediaeval chronological calculations that were slyly presented as “true astronomical observations” later on.

These considerations are primarily valid for written sources. It must have been easy enough to take a quill and write the “ancient observation” down on the page of the chronicle.

Such suspicions are less applicable to trustworthy archaeological findings or the ancient monumental architecture, although great caution is required there as well. However, if a horoscope is presented as a large bas-relief on the ceiling of an old cathedral, or on a coffin in an old sepulchre, one has reason to believe that we see the result of a veracious astronomic observation, and not a later calculation based on Scaliger-Petavius chronology.

5.

A brief account of several examples of Egyptian zodiacs

In this section we shall give a rather brief account of the results of our research related in detail in Chron3, Part 2.

5.1. Some general observations

The ancient horoscopes that have reached our days are a valuable body of chronological material. A horoscope’s dating can be based on modern astronomical theory. Generally speaking, horoscopes may possess several astronomical solutions, but usually only one of them falls into the historical time interval. In this case we may calculate the precise dating of this horoscope.

However, the dating of horoscopes is a tricky business. The concept of using astronomy for the purposes of dating old documents was already familiar to Scaliger and the rest of the XVI-XVII century chronologers. Thus, the ones responsible for the forgery of history may have employed this concept and must have certainly done so. Since the written sources have largely been edited in the XVII-XVIII century, as we understand, the astronomical information contained therein may also be a forgery – especially in cases when this did not require much time and effort, as in the case with horoscopes. The astronomers of the XVI-XVII century already knew planetary revolution periods well, and could calculate horoscopes for any given date, including those partaining to days long gone.

Thus, in order to obtain certain chronological datings based on horoscopes and independent from the Scaligerian chronological scale, it only makes sense to use the horoscopes whose calculation in the XVI-XVIII century is improbable. From this point of view, a horoscope carved in stone on the wall of an ancient temple is a lot more dependable than a horoscope included in an “ancient” manuscript. Carving a large and detailed bas-relief in stone would require lots of effort; apart from that, the construction of a temple is an event of high social significance that directly involves a large number of people. Writing something about the constellation that housed the planets on a given “ancient date” on a sheet of paper isn’t nearly as difficult. This is office work. The history swindlers have been involved in precisely this sort of activity. It was only after Scaligerian history became consensual that it began to affect monumental construction as well, in the XVII-XVIII century. Furthermore, it is a lot easier to correct the horoscope in a manuscript while editing it than altering one carved in stone on a cathedral wall, which is hardly a possibility at all.

Thus, the horoscopes contained in written sources are of little interest in what concerns independent dating. This particularly refers to the “ancient” Greek horoscopes collected in the well-known work entitled Greek Horoscopes by O. Neugebauer and H.B. Van Hoesen ([1290]).

5.2. The Dendera Zodiacs

The images known as the Round and the Long Zodiac nowadays have been found in the Dendera temple in Egypt. Multiple attempts of the XIX-XX century astronomers to find “ancient” solutions that would fit the horoscopes depicted on the Zodiacs, have failed to yield any results. Such eminent scientists as Laplace, Fourier, Letron, Biot and Helm have tried to solve this problem. The search for a correct solution was eventually abandoned after many unsuccessful attempts. Nowadays the temple and the horoscopes are dated to 30 B.C. and 14-37 A.D. However, it turns out that there are exact astronomical solutions. We shall give a very concise account of the matter presently, since part 2 of Chron3 contains a detailed study of this problem.

Dendera is a town in Egypt, north of Thebe, on the bank of Nile. The ruins of the ancient town of Tenteris, with its remains of a magnificent temple, are located nearby. We shall reproduce several unique old drawings made by the French artists who accompanied Napoleon’s military units on his Egyptian expedition of violent conquest, towards the end of the XVIII century. These drawings present priceless proof; they are extremely important documents since they reflect the state of the Egyptian monuments at the end of the XVIII century – right after the troops and the artillery of Napoleon had fought their way through the terrain. They can be considered “photographs” of sorts, reflecting Egypt the way it was in the late XVIII – early XIX century, taken by eyewitness members of the Egyptian campaign. Of course, they are far from being real photographs, but we have no reason to doubt that Napoleon’s artists faithfully represented what they saw.

In fig. 2.11 we can see a dilapidated arch and a view of the main, northern, entrance to the Dendera temple. We can see that the buildings are largely in a decrepit state. We give a “reconstruction” of the temple in fig. 2.12 for comparison. Its authorship can most probably be credited to the very same artists who made the other drawings. What we see is thus their concept of what the temple “really looked like” prior to its destruction. The reconstruction is most satisfactory in general (see fig. 2.12), although the “reconstructed faces” on the columns are visibly different from the semi-obliterated stone originals, qv in Chron3, Part 2.

Fig. 2.11. A rare old picture showing a dilapidated arch, and the Great Dendera Temple behind it. We see its main northern entrance. The drawing was made by the French painters who accompanied the Napoleonic troops during the Egyptian invasion. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pl. 5.

Fig. 2.12 A reconstruction of the Dendera Temple done by French painters of late XVIII – early XIX century. We only show the right portion of the “reconstructed” façade here. The reconstruction in general was apparently done rather conscientiously; however, one immediately notes the curious fact that the faces of the statue columns on the “reconstruction” significantly differ from those on the original drawing ([1100], A., Volume IV). Also see Chron3, Part 2. The original stone faces with chipped noses have high cheekbones differing from the ones depicted by the “restorers” of Egyptian history. It isn’t quite clear just what considerations the French artists were guided by, and why they would have to substitute “becoming Graeco-Roman faces” for the original ones with high cheekbones. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pl. 29.

In figs. 2.13 and 2.14 we can see the rear view of the Great Temple of Dendera. This was how Napoleon’s artists would have seen it when the front line could finally advance, and Napoleon’s troops entered Dendera. It is clearly visible that it wasn’t “almighty time” that has caused most of the destruction. We see a scene of utter devastation here; the buildings have either been shelled, or simply exploded with gunpowder.

Fig. 2.13. Rear view of the Great Dendera Temple. We see utter devastation most probably caused by artillery or powder kegs placed under the foundations of the buildings. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pl. 3.

Fig. 2.14. Rear view of the Great Dendera Temple. The devastation wasn’t necessarily caused by the French troops; it may have been the result of the Ottoman=Ataman conquest of the XV-XVI century, when the troops of Moses that came from Horde-Russia, or the children of Israel (the army of Joshua), were conquering “their very own” Egypt, cleansing it from the “plague” that reigned there. From the epidemics, in other words, q.v. in Chron6. Over the centuries elapsed since that time, a large part of the ruins have become buried in sand. However, the sand may have gathered over a matter of decades, or already accumulated by Napoleon’s era, which means it would only have taken several years. This is quite possible, since the strong dry winds of Egypt carry sand continuously. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pl. 3.

In figs. 2.15, 2.16 and 2.17 one sees modern photographs of the Dendera temple. Pay attention to the immaculate stonework of the wall that surrounds the temple (fig. 2.15). The piers supporting the foundation of one of the buildings that used to stand in front of the temple are visible very clearly. The building is a ruin, qv in fig. 2.16. The stonework quality and the clever construction solutions give us an idea of the highly professional work of the “ancient” builders of the temple. In fig. 2.17 we see a bird’s eye view of the Dendera temple and its environs. One thing in particular that draws our attention is the tall wall that surrounds a large area around the temple, and contains the remnants of other buildings. One gets the idea that the entire set was planned as a Christian monastery – possibly relatively recently.

Fig. 2.15. Modern condition of the Dendera Temple. The low wall around the temple is built from large blocks; the stonework is done accurately. Taken from [1062], page 10.

Fig. 2.16. Modern condition of the Dendera Temple. Taken from [1062], page 63.

Fig. 2.17. A bird’s eye view of the Dendera Temple and its environs. The temple and the constructions around it were erected as a Christian monastery. One sees a tall wall containing a considerable amount of space around the temple. Taken from [1062], page 64.

Two sculptural compositions from the dome of the Great Temple of Dendera have survived – the so-called Round and Long Zodiacs. They are ancient bas-reliefs carved in stone. The Round Zodiac is about 2.5 by 2.5 metres ([1177], Volume 1, page 121). The Round Zodiac was taken to Paris, and is now kept in the Louvre. The Long Zodiac was also taken to Europe. In fig. 2.18 we can see the drawing of the Round Zodiac done by Napoleon’s artists ([1100], A., Volume IV, pl. 21). It was published in the fundamental oeuvre titled Description de l’Egypte ([1100]), compiled by the artists and archaeologists who accompanied Napoleon’s troops in Egypt. The work was published under a direct order from Napoleon, which is explicitly stated in the subtitle: “Publiée sous les ordres de Napoléon de Bonaparte.”

Fig. 2.18. A copy of the Round Zodiac done by the painters of Napoleon’s Egyptian expedition. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pl. 21. Left sheet.

Both Zodiacs – the Round one and the Long one – contain images of planets presented as various human figures located in zodiacal constellations. Thus, what we have in front of us is a pair of horoscopes which can be dated astronomically.

These images have been discussed in astronomical literature as well as historical. The consensual dating of the Zodiacs attributes them to 30 B.C. and 14-17 A.D., respectively ([1453], No. 4, page 64). However, this dating falls apart after the first criticism, qv in Chron3, Part 2.

The fact that the Zodiacs of the Dendera temple contain horoscopes is reflected in their very names, and the zodiacal positions of the planets that they depict was noted by astronomers some time ago. The constellations and the planets are represented as human and animal figures in a standard Egyptian symbolism; some of the figures are combined in the procession.

An event as unique as the discovery of a horoscope in an ancient temple invoked great interest among astronomers. However, as we have already pointed out, astronomical research shows that ever since the distant past and up until the III century A.D., the planets did not form those celestial configurations observable on the Dendera Zodiacs. On the other hand, the detailed accuracy of the bas-reliefs was so great that the chronologists reluctantly formulated a hypothesis that the bas-reliefs depicted pure fantasy, bearing no relation to actual celestial events. After that no further attempts at dating the Zodiacs were made. None of the astronomers thought of extending the researched time span forward, beyond the III century A.D.

Attempts at deciphering the Round Zodiac started a long time ago. One should name Brugsch, Morozov, and Turayev in this respect. Zodiacal constellations are depicted very skilfully, and form a zodiacal belt, as one should rightly expect. Its visual representation is hardly any different from the ones in Bayer’s star charts, for instance, or even the astronomical tractates of the XVIII-XIX centuries. Identifying the planets, however, proved a lot more complex.

N. A. Morozov offers a partial decipherment of the Round Zodiac in [544], Volume 6, and the dating that was obtained as a result. Morozov’s idea was simple, but truly revolutionary. If there was no satisfactory planet combination before the III century A.D., one should carry on with the calculations and go forward in time in order to cover those epochs closer to us. Morozov conducted all of his calculations on the interval between the III and the XIII centuries A.D. ([544], Volume 6, pages 662 and 667). As a result, he found one astronomical solution that could provide the key to the cipher (assuming Morozov's partial decipherment), namely, 15 March 568 A.D. ([544], Volume 6). This solution (assuming the same Morozov's decipherment) was then verified by the astronomer N. I. Idelson. See the details of his verification in the tables in [544], Volume 6.

The Muscovite physicists N. S. Kellin and D. V. Denisenko made another attempt to date the Round Zodiac in 1992. Their work was published in [METH2:1] and [METH1:6], pages 315-329. The date they came up with (given in the so called ‘Old Style’ calendar) is 22 March 1422 A.D.

Later on, in 1999, a partial decipherment and dating of the Round Zodiac were performed by T. N. Fomenko, who based her method on an altogether different concept and calculated everything from scratch (see [METH3:3]). The result was as follows: either 15 March 568, or 22 March 1422 ([METH3:3]). The results of an extensive research of several important Egyptian Zodiacs, such as the Round and the Long Zodiacs of Dendera, and the Greater and the Lesser Zodiacs of Esna, were published by T. N. Fomenko in Chapter 12 of the book [METH3:3].

The final solution formulated by A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy in 2001 is given below.

The identification of the figures from the Round and the Long Zodiacs with contemporary astronomical symbols as reflected in [METH1:6] was based on the following method. The figures on the Dendera Zodiacs were compared to the pictures of planets and constellations known to us from mediaeval atlases. It turns out that the symbols contained in both Zodiacs are virtually identical to the ones used on mediaeval and even late mediaeval star charts.

The planets on the Dendera Zodiacs are represented as human figures – namely, wanderers carrying staves. Planets were depicted in a similar manner in a number of European mediaeval books on astronomy. In fig. 2.19 we can see a zodiac with planets from a mediaeval French manuscript on astrology ([1046], ill. 80). The planets here have the appearance of wanderers proceeding on their journey across the sky. Mars, for instance, is pictured as a warrior who walks with his shield, and a sword in a raised hand, qv in fig. 2.20. The inscription near the picture unambiguously identifies this figure as Mars.

Fig. 2.19. A picture of the zodiac and the planets from a mediaeval French astronomical manuscript. Planets are depicted as human figures. The figure of a warrior with a sword and shield is explicitly subtitled “Mars …” As we see, similar symbolism – wanderers with staves – is also used for planets in the “ancient” Egyptian Round Zodiac. Taken from [1046], ill. 80.

Fig. 2.20. Close-up of the fragment depicting Mars as a warrior. Taken from [1046], ill. 80.

In a number of such cases the pictures can be identified as planets without any complications whatsoever. The mediaeval representations of the planet Jupiter sometimes emphasized the fact that Jupiter was a Thunderer, and the chief deity in Roman mythology. Jupiter’s symbol is a royal crown. One of such mediaeval pictures can be seen in fig. 2.21. We see a thunderbolt in his hand, a crown upon his head, and the symbol of Jupiter next to the thunderbolt. Another detailed old picture of Jupiter can be seen in fig. 2.22

Fig. 2.21. Mediaeval picture of the planet Jupiter. The Thunder God is holding a thunderbolt in his hand and has a royal crown on his head. Jupiter’s chariot is rolling over the zodiacal constellations. Taken from a book by Ioanne Tesnierio titled Opus Matematicum Octolibrum, Coloniae Agrippinae, 1562. The book archive of the Pulkovo Observatory (St. Petersburg). Also see [543], page 71.

Fig. 2.22. A mediaeval picture of the planet Jupiter from a book by Albumasar titled Dé Astrú Sciéncia, 1515. The book archive of the Pulkovo Observatory. Also see [543], page 181, ill. 92.

Mediaeval pictures of the planet Saturn often referred to the imagery of Saturn, the Roman god of death. The standard astronomical representation of Saturn is that of a person with the scythe of Death in his hands ([543], pages 181, 241, and 157). The mediaeval astronomical symbols of Saturn include the sickle and the scythe. A well-known book by Leopoldus of Austria allegedly dating from 1489 ([1247]) has a picture of a scythe and the inscription “Saturn” next to it, qv in fig. 2.23. Tesnierio’s book of 1562 depicts the planet Saturn with a scythe and devouring a child ([1440]). The scythe or the sickle are often located over the head of Saturn and bear visible resemblance to the Ottoman crescent, or “horns” (see fig. 2.24). It may be that the fear and respect that the inhabitants of the mediaeval Western Europe had for the Ottomans=Atamans caused the Ottoman crescent to become a symbol of punishment.

Fig. 2.23. A mediaeval picture of the planet Saturn with a scythe over its head. The scythe looks like an Ottoman crescent. Taken from Compilatio de Astrorum Scientia by Leopoldus of Austria, 1489 ([1247]). The book archive of the Pulkovo Observatory. Also see [543], page 181, ill. 92.

Fig. 2.24. A mediaeval picture of the planet Saturn with a scythe over its head. The scythe looks like an Ottoman crescent. Taken from Dé Astrú Sciéncia by Albumasar, 1515. The book archive of the Pulkovo Observatory. Also see [543], page 241, ill. 123.

The identification of the Egyptian god Anubis with the Roman Saturn is described in the oeuvres of the Egyptologist H. Brugsch ([99]), and the expert in the history of religions J. Frazer ([918] and [919]). The Egyptian Anubis is most frequently portrayed with long pointed jackal ears, somewhat curved, qv in figs. 2.25 and 2.26. It is possible that the Ottoman crescent would occasionally be compared with long pointed jackal ears.

Fig. 2.25. “Ancient” Egyptian picture of the god Anubis with a jackal’s head and pointed ears resembling the Ottoman crescent, or a pair of horns. The specialists in the history of religion call this picture “The Mummy of Osiris Prepared for Burial by Anubis.” Taken from [1415], page 100. Also see [966], Volume 1, page 128.

Fig. 2.26. A picture of Anubis from the famous Egyptian Book of the Dead. The pointed ears on the god’s jackal head are painted in such a way that they resemble the Ottoman crescent or a pair of horns. Taken from [1448], pl. 3.

In Tesnierio’s book [1440], Saturn’s chariot is drawn by a griffin and an asp – monsters of death.

The representation of the planet Saturn on the Round Zodiac is as follows: behind the Virgo constellation and beneath it we see two male figures crowned by crescents, one of them bearing a staff, and the other – a large scythe. No other figure on the Round Zodiac, including constellations, has a scythe.

Virgo is portrayed here in exactly the same manner as it is on the mediaeval astronomical charts – as a woman holding an ear of wheat, qv in fig. 2.27. Let us remind the reader that this constellation contains a well-known star – Spica, or the Ear of Wheat.

Fig. 2.27. An ancient picture of the constellation of Virgo from an astronomical book by Bacharach. Virgo is holding a bunch of wheat ears. Near her hand is the star called Spica, or the “Ear of Wheat”. Taken from [1021]. Also see [543], page 81, ill. 44.

The figure of Saturn is drawn with a jackal’s head. Numerous Egyptian pictures of Saturn accompanying people to the Underworld, are well known. See figs. 2.28, 2.29, 2.30 and 2.31, for instance. Incidentally, one clearly recognizes the well-known Christian Doomsday theme in the “ancient” Egyptian pictures in figs. 2.30 and 2.31 – one of the most popular themes in mediaeval Christian art. We see Jesus Christ sitting on a throne and pronouncing judgement. The scribe in front of him is reading a scroll, or the Book of Fate, where all the deeds of the dead are listed. The god Anubis is weighing the good and the bad deeds on his scale in order to determine whether the person should go to heaven or to hell. This is clearly an illustration of the Christian Apocalypse, or the Revelation of St. John the Divine. This means all such “ancient” Egyptian drawings belong to a Christian epoch – which couldn’t have preceded the XI century A.D. according to the New Chronology.

Fig. 2.28. Famous Egyptian Book of the Dead. The “ancient” Egyptian god Anubis is weighing the good and the bad deeds of humans on a scale. The subject is clearly a Christian one, popular in the Middle Ages. Taken from [1448], plate 3. Also see the photograph on the back of the book cover [1448].

Fig. 2.29 Another “ancient” Egyptian picture from the Book of the Dead. The subject is the same one – the comparison of good and evil deeds of humankind at doomsday; its origins are clearly Christian. Anubis is weighing human deeds on a scale. Taken from [1448], plate 31.

Fig. 2.30. “Ancient” Egyptian picture of the Christian Judgement Day as described in the Biblical Apocalypse. Jesus Christ is judging people; in front of him we see a scribe with a scroll, and somewhat further on is Anubis, weighing the deeds of the people on a scale. This bas-relief, distinctively Christian, is kept in the Egyptian Thèbes, Memnonium. Taken from [1100], A., Volume II, pl. 36.

Fig. 2.31. A similar Christian Judgement Day scene from an “ancient” Egyptian papyrus. Jesus Christ is judging people, with Anubis weighing their deeds. It is evident that such drawings could only have appeared after the description of the Apocalypse, not in the dateless antiquity that they are nowadays supposed to date from. Taken from [1100], A., Volume II, pl. 67.

Furthermore, the mediaeval pictures of Venus emphasized the fact that Venus was the only female among planets, not counting the moon and the sun, naturally. Astronomical maps practically always represent Venus as a woman. The mediaeval symbols of the planet Venus can be seen in figs. 2.32 and 2.33. The first picture is a close-up of a fragment of an ancient picture taken from the French astronomical manuscript cited above (see fig. 2.19). In fig 2.33 we see an ancient miniature called “The Planet Venus” ([1046], ill. 71). Venus is also represented as a woman and has her name written over her head, qv in fig. 2.34. Let us remind the reader that Venus resembles Mercury in being positioned relatively close to the sun.

Fig. 2.32. A close-up of the picture of the planet Venus on an old French miniature. The complete title of this astronomical miniature was “Zodiac and the Planets,” and it can be seen in its entirety on one of the preceding illustrations. We see Venus depicted as a woman in motion, with the inscription above her head saying “Venus.” Taken from [1046], ill. 80.

Fig. 2.33. Ancient miniature titled “The Planet Venus” from the Livre des echés amoureux. The planet Venus is depicted as a woman with the name Venus written above her head. Taken from [1046], ill. 71.

Fig. 2.34. A close-up of a fragment of the previous picture of Venus. Taken from [1046], ill. 71.

We see the astronomical symbol for the sun in mediaeval books – a large disc with a point in its centre, qv in the drawings in the mediaeval book by Tesnierio ([1440], fig. 2.35), as well as the mediaeval book by Albumasar ([1004], see fig. 2.23). The usual astronomical symbol for the moon is a narrow crescent, qv in fig. 2.36.

Fig. 2.35. Picture of the Sun from a mediaeval book by Tesnierio dating from 1562. The symbol of the Sun – a disc with a dot in the centre – can be seen to the left of the baculus in Sun’s hand. Taken from [1440], also see [543], page 71, ill. 31.

Fig. 2.36. Mediaeval picture of the Moon. Its astronomical symbol is a crescent. Illustration in the book by Tesnierio dating from 1562 ([1440]). Here the crescent is also drawn on the head of the woman (the moon), but already in the shape of a pair of “horns.” This is how Moses used to be portrayed in ancient Bibles – with “horns” on his head. As it is pointed out in Chron6, the implication is that the mediaeval painters would have had to be carrying on an ancient tradition of depicting the Biblical Moses with a crescent on his head. Taken from [1440]. Also see [543], page 71, ill. 32.

How did the ancient Egyptians draw the sun and the moon? On the Round Zodiac, directly over Pisces we can see a disc that contains an alectryon’s eye. Let us remind the reader that the cock that cries at dawn is a natural symbol of the moon or the rising sun. On the other hand, the brightest star in the constellation of Aries is called The Eye, and the disc with an eye could really indicate that the sun or the moon were in Aries.

The fact that in certain cases the “alectryon disc” could be associated with the moon is also reflected on another stone bas-relief on the dome of the Great Dendera Temple, close to the entrance. There is no planetary horoscope here; however, one sees a large number of separate representations of celestial objects. We can see a disc with an alectryon’s eye yet again, with a crescent circumscribing it. The reference to either the moon or the sun is apparent, qv on figs. 2.37 and 2.38. Furthermore, we see an identical alectryon-eye disc on this bas-relief, this time accompanied by fourteen identical human figures. The reader will recall that a lunar month contains 28 days, so what we see here can probably be identified as representations of halves of lunar months, or fortnights. Each day is represented by a small figure. All of the figures are identical, as “similar days” coming one after another. This may be the way the artist represents the 14-day interval between the new moon and the full moon that is separated into two weeks each with seven figures for days. Furthermore, this second “lunar disc” is sailing the skies in a boat that clearly resembles a crescent, qv in fig. 2.39. Let us also point out that both “lunar discs” on the dome near the entrance clearly depict some celestial deity, since they are worshipped by other figures.

Fig. 2.37. A fragment of a bas-relief located on the ceiling of the Great Dendera Temple, close to the entrance. Both discs are depicting the same celestial deity worshipped by surrounding figures. The first disc with an alectryon’s eye is inscribed within a crescent. What we are seeing most probably represents the solar and the lunar symbols. The second disc with an alectryon’s eye contains 14 identical glyphs that we presume to represent a half of the lunar month, namely, the interval between the new moon and the full moon. A 3D copy made by Napoleon’s painters. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pl.19.

Fig. 2.38. A close-up of a fragment of the bas-relief near the entrance to the Dendera Temple showing either the lunar or the solar disc inscribed within a crescent. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pl. 19.

Fig. 2.39. A close-up of a fragment of the bas-relief near the entrance to the Dendera Temple showing either the lunar or the solar disc with 14 glyphs inside. Most probably, the glyphs served to represent half of the lunar month – 14 days out of 28, or the period between the new moon and the full moon. The 14 figures are divided into 2 groups of 7, perhaps a pictorial representation of two seven-day weeks. Taken from [1100], A., Volume IV, pl. 19.

However, in this case our identification of the “alectryon disc” as the Moon or the Sun coincides with that offered by the Scaligerite Egyptologists. They are of the opinion that Osiris had the double name Osiris-Moon, and a disc such as this one used to be one of his symbols ([1062], pages 22, 68 and 69. See figs. 2.40 and 2.41). However, one should also bear in mind that Osiris used to symbolize the sun.

Fig. 2.40. The “ancient” Egyptian Osiris as either the Moon or the Sun, with his symbol – the disc with the head of an alectryon. Taken from [1062], page 22.

Fig. 2.41. The “ancient” Egyptian Osiris as either the Moon or the Sun, with his symbol – the alectryon disc. Taken from [1062], page 69.

We can see that a final identification of any particular disc on the Egyptian Zodiac as the Moon or the Sun is only feasible after all possible options are tried and all the necessary astronomical calculations performed – which is exactly what we shall do in Chron3, Part 2.

Mediaeval drawings of Mercury were based on the idea that both Mercury and Janus were considered gods of trade, and patrons of contracts of all sorts. Janus is an “ancient” Roman god with two faces ([533], Volume 2, p. 684). His two faces face different sides, qv in figs. 2.42 and 2.43. Mercury is always close to the Sun and never drifts too far away from it. In Tesnierio’s book [1440] we see Mercury’s famous caduceus resembling a trident in the hands of the planet Mercury (see fig. 2.44). Another depiction of Mercury, allegedly dating from the XVI century, can be seen in fig. 2.45.

Fig. 2.42. An old picture showing the two-faced “ancient” Roman god Janus. Taken from [966], Volume 2, page 339.

Fig. 2.43. “Janus, the Roman god watching doors and gates from both the inside and the outside” ([1425], page 3). Taken from [1425], page 3.

Fig. 2.44. An ancient picture of the planet Mercury with a caduceus, from Tesnierio’s book of astronomy dating from 1562 ([1440]). Taken from [543], page 71, ill. 33.

Fig. 2.45. A sculpture of Mercury with his caduceus resembling the Greek letter ψ (psi). A sculpture by Giambologna allegedly dated 1564. Museum of Bologna, bronze. The sculpture was most probably made in the XVII-XVIII centuries at the latest. The finish is beautiful; the running or flying figure looks practically modern. Taken from [533], Volume 2, page 140.

We shall limit ourselves to these examples, since in Chron3, Part 2, we shall study all possible planet identification options for the Egyptian zodiacs with the greatest care, and select a finite version.

However, one shouldn’t think that what we encounter in the Egyptian zodiacs is the fixed result of a real astronomical observation. The fact is that in the Middle Ages certain important dates were apparently written down as picture horoscopes, or “celestial dates” of sorts. This is why when a temple commemorating some ancient event would be erected in the XVI-XVIII century, for instance, the zodiacal dislocation of the planets could well be calculated for the “ancient date” in question, and then depicted on the dome of a temple.

Let us now report the datings of the horoscope depicted on the Long Dendera Zodiac. This bas-relief used to be on the dome of the temple, in the hall one enters via the main entrance.

N. A. Morozov offered the following astronomical solution, basing it on his partial decipherment: 6 April 540 A.D. ([544], Volume 6).

N. S. Kellin and D. V. Denisenko extended the analysis methods, and offered 14 April 1394 as an astronomical solution.

An even more detailed, albeit also partial, decipherment of the Long Zodiac as well as its dating were performed by T. N. Fomenko. The result was the 7 or 8 of April, 1727 ([METH3:3]).

The finite answer obtained by A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy in 2001 shall be formulated below.

5.3. The horoscopes of Brugsch and Flinders Petrie

In 1857 the eminent Egyptologist Henry Brugsch found an “ancient” Egyptian wooden coffin in Egypt that was in a remarkable condition, as if it were created in a very recent period, qv in fig. 2.46. It contained a typical “ancient” Egyptian mummy ([1054]). On the inside of the lid there was a symbolic representation of the starlit sky with planets affixed to constellations – a horoscope, in other words, qv in Chron3, Part 2.

Fig. 2.46. “Ancient” Egyptian wooden sarcophagus found by G. Brugsch in Thebe in 1857. Allegedly dating from 90 A.D. Taken from a book by Henri Brugsch titled Recueil de Monuments égyptiens, dessinés sur lieux. 1862. Also see [543], page 297, ill. 148.

The entire burial rite, the artwork, and especially the demotic scripture doubtlessly indicated (according to Scaligerite historians) that the finding was exceptionally ancient. Brugsch himself dated it to the I century A.D. at the earliest ([1054]).

The demotic inscriptions are close to the figures of certain zodiacal constellations and make direct references to the planets they contain.

The situation is extremely advantageous. Indeed, all the necessary astronomical information is given clearly and accurately by the creators of this remarkable “ancient” Egyptian sepulchre.

All the researchers of the horoscope were hypnotized by the alleged antiquity of the demotic scripture (first discovered by Ackerblade 20 years prior to Champollion deciphering hieroglyphic writing), and dated the artefact to the historical epoch corresponding to Scaligerian chronology of Egypt. What ensued was a series of attempts made by astronomers to ascribe the horoscope to the very historical epoch that concurs with the Scaligerian version of the Egyptian chronology. This, however, has failed to yield any results, since, as was the case with the Dendera Zodiacs, the ancient sky, from deep antiquity and until the first centuries of the new era, has never been positioned the way the lid of the sarcophagus depicts it.

The astronomer M. A. Viliev went a little further along the time axis than the other astronomers. However, he didn’t go beyond the first couple of centuries of the new era. It is interesting that despite N. A. Morozov’s numerous suggestions, M. A. Viliev refused to carry on with the research so that it would include the Middle Ages as well, since this would blatantly contradict Scaligerian chronology, which Viliev did not doubt in the least ([544], Volume 6). N. A. Morozov proceeded with the calculations and went forward in time ([544], Volume 6, pages 694-728). N. A. Morozov discovered the following astronomical solution, basing his calculations on his own partial decipherment of the Zodiac found by Brugsch: 17 November 1682. The final 2001 solution of A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy will be formulated below.

In 1901 the eminent Egyptologist W. M. Flinders Petrie found an artificial cave in Upper Egypt, near Sohag, that was used as an “ancient” Egyptian sepulchre. Its walls were covered by ancient artwork and graffiti, and there were two colour horoscopes on the ceiling (see Athribi by W. M. Flinders Petrie in Volume 14 of the British School of Archaeology in Egypt Research Account, 1902. Details in Chron3, Part 2.)

In 1919, academician B. A. Turayev suggested to perform an astronomical dating of the horoscopes to N. A. Morozov. Their preliminary analysis and deciphering were performed by E. B. Knobel in Britain ([1224]), who also gave preliminary datings to the horoscopes. The dates he obtained were as follows: 20 May 52 A.D. and 20 January 59 A.D.

However, E. B. Knobel remarked that he found the position of Mercury in the second horoscope quite dubious. In other words, the solution he offered only satisfied the conditions if one was to close one’s eyes at some inconsistencies. As for the first horoscope – he put forth the hypothesis that the planetary positions were calculated by the astronomer who had painted it, and not actually observed. The planets were far away from the positions indicated on the horoscope on 20 January 59 A.D. ([1224]). Apart from Mercury, E. B. Knobel had his doubts about the position of Venus in the first horoscope.

This led E. B. Knobel to try out a few other “ancient” versions pertinent to the epoch where Scaligerite Egyptologists had a priori placed them, guided by the style of burial. However, all Knobel’s attempts to find a better astronomical solution turned out utterly fruitless. All the other options that he had researched satisfied to the given conditions even less.

Furthermore, when M. A. Viliev verified Knobel’s calculations, it turned out that Knobel had been somewhat imprecise with Mars and Saturn as well. This made both of Knobel’s dates (52 A.D. and 59 A.D.) highly questionable.

Then M. A. Viliev performed another series of calculations, and offered his own solution of 186 B.C. and 179 B.C. However, it turned out that the subconscious (or conscious) desire of M. A. Viliev to make the solution fit into the historical interval a priori defined by Scaligerian chronology of “ancient” Egypt, led him to several unjustified allowances. In [544], Volume 6, pages 733-736, all of Viliev’s calculations are cited, with all of their errors and deviations pointed out as a good example of what a desire to save Scaligerian chronology by all means might lead to.

Then M. A. Viliev put forth a hypothesis that the couple of 349 and 355 A.D. would provide a better fit. However, numerous verifications proved this pair to be even worse than the first solution. Another similar attempt also led to a complete fiasco.

N. A. Morozov carried on with the research. However, he also failed to find a precise astronomical solution. This was beginning to look most peculiar indeed. The character of the painted horoscopes clearly indicated that the ancient painter was fully aware of what he was painting, and not just making the artwork up as he went along. Then N. A. Morozov started to suspect that the horoscope had been deciphered incorrectly. He analyzed the horoscope and suggested another interpretation, a more logical one in his opinion. It was partial as well; however, the astronomical solution for the problem presented itself as 6 May 1049 for the upper horoscope and 9 February 1065 for the lower.

Now we are ready to consider the finite answer obtained by A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy in 2001.

5.4. Finite datings of Egyptian Zodiacs based on their complete decipherment, as calculated by A. T. Fomenko and G. V. Nosovskiy in 2001

Let us quote a part of our introduction to Chron3, Part 2.

Previous attempts to decipher the “ancient” Egyptian Zodiacs – primarily, those of N. A. Morozov, N. S. Kellin, D. V. Denisenko and T. N. Fomenko – have all been partial, since some part of the zodiacal depictions had remained unidentified. The complications they had to face are perfectly understandable, since to try out all possible permutations one would have to perform a gigantic amount of calculations impossible to do manually. The decipherment we obtained in 2001 was the first one to be completed, with an exhaustive computer search of every symbol in the zodiacs that was interpreted ambiguously. The singular complete decipherment possible was the only one that accounted for everything depicted on the zodiacs, and allowed for an astronomical solution to boot. This fact is extremely important. The very existence of a complete and datable decipherment is anything but obvious. Furthermore, our astronomical solution is the only one possible. This makes our decipherment finite.

Apparently, the complete decipherment that we performed includes the partial decipherments formerly offered by N. A. Morozov and T. N. Fomenko, but differs from them somewhat in details. These differences have the shape of circumstantiations in the complex situations where one would formerly have to choose between a great number of possible options. This concerns the differing symbols for the sun and the moon as used by astronomers in the Middle Ages. All of the previously mentioned researchers did not perform any computer search, basing their choice on the analysis of the “ancient” Egyptian symbols in general. Their interpretations weren’t finite in a number of cases; therefore, the dates they came up with could not fit ideally. This explains the fact that the precise datings calculated by the authors differ from the ones calculated previously by N. A. Morozov, N. S. Kellin, D. V. Denisenko and T. N. Fomenko; however, it is significant that all the exact dates remain mediaeval. It turns out that no finite astronomical solution for the Egyptian zodiac goes further back in time than the XII century A.D.

Let us re-emphasize that computer calculations allowed us to discover that the previous partial decipherments provided for the foundation of the finite complete interpretation of the zodiac, confirming that the research of our predecessors had been conducted in the correct general direction.

The computer datings we have come up with for the “ancient” Egyptian zodiacs are as follows:

- The Round Zodiac of Dendera:

morning of 20 March 1185 A.D.

- The Long Zodiac of Dendera:

22-26 April 1168 A.D.

- The zodiac from the Greater Temple of Esna:

31 March – 3 April 1394 A.D.

- The zodiac from the Lesser Temple of Esna:

6-8 May 1404 A.D.

The Athribean horoscopes of Flinders Petrie:

- The upper zodiac:

15-16 May 1230 A.D.

- The lower zodiac:

9-10 February 1268 A.D.

- The Horoscope of Thebe by H. Brugsch:

- The horoscope of demotic subscripts:

18 November 1861 A.D.;

- The “Horoscope without Staves”:

6-7 October 1841 A.D.;

- The “Horoscope with Boats”:

15 February 1853 A.D.

- The “Colour Horoscope of Thebe” (Luxor):

5-8 September 1182.

This research of ours proved to include a great body of material, and was quite complex. It turned into an entire book that we include in Chron3.

5.5. On the errors of E. S. Goloubtsova and Y. A. Zavenyagin

This could mark the end of our account of Egyptian zodiacs and their datings, if it hadn’t been for the publication of a certain article by E. S. Goloubtsova and Y. A. Zavenyagin often quoted by the proponents of Scaligerian chronology. The article in question is entitled “One More Study of the ‘New Methods’ and the Ancient Chronology” and was published in Voprosy Istorii (Historical Issues), No. 12, 1983, pages 68-83 ([179]). The authors of the article tried to question the dating of the Round Zodiac as obtained by N. A. Morozov. It will be edifying to study the article of Goloubtsova and Zavenyagin, since it appears to be concerned primarily with using a computer for solving the problem, which makes the conclusions arrived at by the authors seem scientific and objective.

E. S. Goloubtsova and Y. A. Zavenyagin write that “the complication lies in the fact that it is perfectly unclear which figure (of the five on the Round Zodiac) should stand for which planet.” This is why they suggest considering the Zodiac to depict the following planets: Saturn, Venus, Mercury, Mars and Jupiter. However, the authors don’t offer any proof for such an interpretation of the Zodiac ([179]). Furthermore, they cite the following table and suggest that the abovementioned planets are localized on the Zodiac with a possible deviation rate of 20 degrees to one side or another.

Figure 1 between Pisces and Aquarius

0 ± 20 degrees,

or (340 - 360 - 20)

Figure 2 between Cancer and Gemini

120 ± 20 degrees,

or (100 - 140)

Figure 3 between Virgo and Leo

180 ± 20 degrees,

or (160 - 200)

Figure 4 between Libra and Virgo

220 ± 20 degrees,

or (200 - 240)

Figure 5 between Capricorn and Aquarius

320 ± 20 degrees,

or (300 - 340)

The authors report that none of these possible combinations were realized in 568 A.D. (supporting this by computer calculations) and add that “this conclusion is of course valid for any decipherment of the figures of the Round Zodiac.” ([179]) They proceed to offer 53 A.D. as a solution.

So, one may get the impression that the astronomers have finally refuted “the fantastic inventions of Morozov” and confirmed the Scaligerian chronology once again.

However, nothing here is quite as simple as it is presented to be. This is a reflection of the typical illusion of the average lay observer that it suffices to “load” some mathematical data into a computer so that “mathematical science” can provide us with an immediate answer. Let us return to the very beginning and observe just what Goloubtsova and Zavenyagin, the authors of [179], load into their computers. They write that the five planets of the Round Zodiac are allegedly localized near the following constellations: Pisces, Aquarius, Cancer, Gemini, Virgo and Capricorn, giving presumed intervals (in degrees) that contain the planets: 340-360-20 degrees, 100-140 degrees, 160-200 degrees, 200-240 degrees and 300-340 degrees.

The problem here is that the data used by the authors of [179] as basis for their calculations fails to concur with the actual depiction of the planets on the dome of the temple. Where did their bizarre table come from, the one they processed mathematically afterwards? It would have sufficed to carefully study the photographs of the Round Zodiac contained in scientific literature in order to reconstruct the correct horoscope. It differs considerably from the one described by Goloubtsova and Zavenyagin, since the Round Zodiac explicitly depicts Venus in either Aries or Pisces.

In our opinion, the fact that the authors of [179] “omitted” the constellation of Aries in their table speaks for itself. It is little wonder that the computer “failed to find a solution” in the Middle Ages. As we can see, Goloubtsova and Zavenyagin have falsified the initial data and have de facto prohibited the computer from studying the interval between 25 and 50 degrees – the actual location of the constellation of Aries.

E. S. Goloubtsova and Y. A. Zavenyagin appear to have wanted to find confirmation of Scaligerian chronology without being overly accountable for the means they used for this end. This means that avid Scaligerites should think twice before referring to this “research.”

6.

Astronomy in the New Testament

Example 1

The terms and images used in mediaeval astronomical literature for the designation of planets and constellations can be compiled into a glossary of sorts, which can later be used for the decipherment and dating of similar terms and images found in other chronicles.

E. Renan was apparently the first scientist to point out that the biblical book of the Apocalypse contains a verbal description of a horoscope ([725]). Not being an astronomer, Renan did not date the horoscope, although the dating of the Apocalypse is of the greatest interest. ([765], page 135). But a precise astronomical solution of the Apocalypse horoscope does exist, and it is both unique and unambiguous. This horoscope dates from the 1 October 1486 A.D. (See details below.)

Example 2

The dating of the eclipse, which, according to the early Christian authors, accompanied the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. Such authors as Sinkellos, Flegon, Africanus, and Eusebius wrote about this eclipse. However, the Evangelical descriptions aren’t very explicit on whether the description refers to a solar eclipse, or a lunar. Scaligerian chronology presumes the eclipse to be lunar, although this is highly debatable. The ecclesiastical tradition has preserved evidence of the eclipse being solar. The Gospel according to Luke, for instance, states specifically: “For the sun stopped shining.” (Luke 23:45)

The gospel of Nicodemius, declared apocryphal by historians, says: “And it was about the sixth hour, and there was darkness over the land until the ninth hour, for the sun was darkened… And Pilate sent for the Jews and said unto them: Did ye see that which came to pass? But they said: There was an eclipse of the sun after the accustomed sort.” (Nicodemius XI – [29], p. 83).

The last phrase in this passage shows that in the epoch when the gospel of Nicodemius was written, the fact that the eclipses of the sun occur according to a specific astronomical law was well understood. There is a direct reference made to the eclipse happening “after the accustomed sort”, which most probably reflects that such astronomical notions already existed in the mediaeval period.

Scaligerian “astronomical solution” suggests the lunar eclipse of 3 April 33 A.D. to have accompanied the crucifixion of Christ ([1154]). This theory does not hold up to any criticisms at all, which is well known, although de-emphasized, and this problem is deliberately presented as nonexistent. (See the discussion in [544], Volume 1.)

In spite of the totally questionable characteristics of the “evangelical eclipse” extracted from early Christian texts, and repeatedly discussed in chronological literature, an attempt can be made to date this eclipse precisely. For this end, both the solar and lunar versions of the eclipse should be examined. A suitable astronomical solution exists on the interval between 200 A.D. and 800 A.D. The lunar eclipse solution of 368 A.D. was found by Morozov ([544], Vol. 1]). However, Morozov did not extend his calculations to later centuries for the reasons cited above – the primary being his unswerving confidence in Scaligerian chronology from the VI century A.D. and on. The calculations of the authors of the present book covered the entire historical period up to 1600 A.D. and revealed an additional precise astronomical solution, quite unexpectedly. This was the lunar eclipse of the 3 April 1075 A.D. The dating of our solution differs from the Scaligerian by over 1.000 years, and by 700 from Morozov’s. (See more details below.)

We recall that Scaligerian astronomical dates and modern calculations only come to concurrence from the XI century A.D. and on, and are only fully reliable from as recently as the XIII century A.D.

But if we consider the eclipse described in the Gospels to be solar, we cannot fail to notice that a total solar eclipse whose shadow track traversed Italy and Byzantium occurred in the XI century, on 16 February 1086. See more on the correspondence of this eclipse with the old ecclesiastical tradition that dated the crucifixion of Christ to the XI century A.D., qv in the book entitled The Biblical Russia (Annex 4) and Chron6. However, this ecclesiastical tradition was 100 years off the mark, as we demonstrate in our book “King of the Slavs”. It turns out that the solar eclipse of 1185 A.D. corresponds a lot more to the real dating of the Crucifixion. See more on this subject in our book entitled King of the Slavs. We shall come back to this “Evangelical eclipse” in Chron2.

Annex

Grammatical analysis of an eclipse description in History by Thucydides

This section contains quotations from works by Y. V. Alexeyeva

In the present Annex, references are made to the list of books and notes in the end of the Annex.

Curcius [d1], Schwyzer [d2] and Cherny [d3] noted the similarity between systems [d4] of perfective and imperfective aspects of the verb in the ancient Greek and Slavonic languages. Thus, the imperfective aspect of a verb (praesens) indicates that the action in question is rather a process that goes through various stages over the course of time. Cf.: I am dying (imperfective aspect), I have died (perfective aspect), I am dead (conveys effective aspect). While perfective aspect of a verb (aoristus) (cf.: similarly) indicates either a momentary action (cf.: gave a cry, drew breath), or the moment when a given action begins (cf.: she started singing), or ends (cf.: she stopped singing). One should note, however, that the ancient Greek language has, besides perfective and imperfective aspects, effective aspect (perfectum) (cf.: gave a cry, drew breath), which does not exist in contemporary Slavonic languages but still can be seen as traces (in the Russian language, for instance ([d5])). This aspect is used to either refer to an achieved result of action usually continuing at the moment of speech, or a state caused by such completed action which is still a reality.

Let us look at a phrase by Thucydides:

ὁ ἤλιοζ ἐξέλιπε … καὶ πὰλιν ἀνεπληϱώθη, γενόμενοζ μηνοειδήζ καὶ ἀστὲϱων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων.

Let us research it grammatically in order to establish the correct order of events. In doing so, we shall present other possible interpretations of this phrase which, albeit constructed correctly from the grammatical point of view, can prove void of meaning, such as the phrase “he had died, but continues to breathe”.

The beginning of the phrase goes as follows:

ὁ ἤλιοζ ἐξέλιπε … καὶ πὰλιν ἀνεπληϱώθη …

That is, “The sun darkened (disappeared) … and again (anew) replenished”. The form [d4] ἐξέλιπε (darkened) is used to refer to the 3rd person, singular, active voice of the verb ἐκλείπω, indicative mood, perfective aspect (3 Sin. aoristi indicative activi). The form [d4] ἀνεπληϱώθη (replenished) is used to refer to the 3rd person, singular, passive voice of the verb ἀνᾲπληϱᾴώ, indicative mood, perfective aspect (3 Sin. aoristi indicativi passivi). Further: ἐξέλιπε and ἀνεπληϱώθη are similar predicates related to the subject ὁ ἤλιοζ (the sun). Actions expressed by these verbs in perfective aspect are not simultaneous. This difference, a certain gap between ἐξέλιπε (darkened) and ἀνεπληϱώθη (replenished), is indicated by πὰλιν (again, rursus, wieder, вновь).

Note 1. In the Greek language, in order to indicate the simultaneity of actions performed by the same person (in present, past, and future tense), personal form of one verb and the imperfective aspect of another one's participle [d6]. E.g.: “The sun, darkening, replenished”, “The sun, having darkened, replenished”.

Note 2. A number of verbs in imperfective aspect, being predicates with one subject, can denote actions which at a certain moment of development occur simultaneously (i.e., imperfective aspect neither indicate the beginning nor the end of an action).

The next part of the phrase:

γενόμενοζ μηνοειδήζ καὶ ἀστὲϱων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων

– explains circumstances that provide us with additional information. In adverse case, these actions would likewise be expressed by personal forms of verbs:

ὁ ἤλιοζ ἐξέλιπε … καὶ πὰλιν ἀνεπληϱώθη καὶ ἐγένετο μηνοειδήζ καὶ ἀστὲϱεζ τινξζ ἐξεφάνησαν ἐξεφάνθησαν,

“The sun darkened… and again replenished, and became similar to the crescent, and some stars appeared in sight”. Further: γενόμενοζ – the perfective aspect participle from the verb γὶγνομαι, the coordinated in masculine gender, singular, nominative with the subject ὁ ἤλιοζ. The participle is used instead of adverbial modifier subordinate clause, when the subject of a subordinate clause is a part of the principal clause (in this case, the subject of the principal clause) [d7]. Perfective aspect participle (adverbial modifier and the predicative participles) always expresses precedence [d8] to the action of the principal verb, as opposed to the imperfective aspect participle that refers to the simultaneity of its action and that of the principal verb. See Par. III, Note 1. In our phrase γενόμενοζ (having become, having turned) means precedence only to the action ἀνεπληϱώθη (replenished). First, if the author should need to indicate that this action (γενόμενοζ – having become) equally precedes action ἐξέλιπε (darkened) and action ἀνεπληϱώθη, then the phrase would be constructed differently, along the lines of:

… γενόμενοζ μὲν μηνοειδήζ ὁ ἤλιοζ ἐξέλιπε καὶ πὰλιν ἀνεπληϱώθη ἐκφανέντωνδέ …,

or “having become similar to the crescent, the sun darkened and again replenished.”

Second, καὶ πὰλιν means a strict sequence of actions ἐξέλιπε and ἀνεπληϱώθη, clearly dividing one from the other [d9]. Therefore, one should not believe the circumstances accompanying one action (ἀνεπληϱώθη) to equally relate to the other (ἐξέλιπε). Thus, the sun had acquired the shape of the crescent before it replenished, and after (or simultaneously with) having darkened. Translators to German, English, and French can only convey this sequence by description: these languages have no participle which would possess the meaning of precedence. Adverbial modifier subordinate clause, the subject of which does not occur in the principal clause, neither in nominative nor in any other indirect case, can be replaced by a special adverbial modifier construction Genitivus Absolutus, where the subject of a subordinate clause is in the genitive case, and the predicate is replaced [d10] by the genitive case of the participle of the same verb.

If the construction Genitivus Absolutus contains an imperfective aspect participle, then the action of the construction occurs simultaneously with that of the principal clause [d10]. E.g.,

ὁ ἤλιοζ ἀνεπληϱώθη ἀστὲϱωντινῶν ἐκφαινομένων,

“The sun replenished, at the same time some stars were coming in sight”.

If the construction Genitivus Absolutus contains a perfective aspect participle, then the action of the construction precedes that of the principal verb [d10]. E.g.,

ὁ ἤλιοζ … ἀνεπληϱώθη … ἀστὲϱων τινῶν ἐκφανεντων,

“The sun replenished, before that some stars came in sight”.

In our phrase, the action of the construction Genitivus Absolutus only precedes the action ἀνεπληϱώθη (replenished). Indeed, in the phrase:

… ὁ ἤλιοζ ἐξέλιπε … καὶ πὰλιν ἀνεπληϱώθη γενόμενοζ μηνοειδήζ καὶ ἀστὲϱων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων,

– the conjunction καὶ πὰλιν joins the predicate ἐξέλιπε (darkened) and the predicate ἀνεπληϱώθη (replenished), while the conjunction [d11] καὶ joins the circumstance actions which, for the purposes explained above, are constructed differently from the grammatical viewpoint. However, Thucydides might have expressed both circumstance actions through similar adverbial modifier phrases, such as:

… ὁ ἤλιοζ ἐξέλιπε … καὶ πὰλιν ἀνεπληϱώθη, ἐπεί ἐγενετο μηνοειδήζ καὶ ἐπεί ἀστὲϱεζ τινεζ ἐξεφ άνησαν,

“The sun darkened and again replenished after it had become similar to the crescent, and after some stars have come in sight”.

Thus, the actions γενόμενοζ and ἀστὲϱων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων are joined by the conjunction καὶ and compose a united adverbial modifier group related to ἀνεπληϱώθη; however, it is impossible to establish, judging merely by the grammatical analysis, the correlation between the actions γενόμενοζ μηνοειδήζ and ἀστὲϱων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων (the appearance of the crescent sun and the stars) – namely, the precedence of one over the other, or the determination of a dependence existing between the two events.

Note 3. If we consider καὶ to unite the construction Genitivus Absolutus with the whole of the phrase

… ὁ ἤλιοζ ἐξέλιπε … καὶ πὰλιν ἀνεπληϱώθη … καὶ ἀστὲϱων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων,

– then the appearance of stars in the sky turns out to have preceded both the darkening and the replenishing of the sun. In this case, the contraposition (of the appearance of stars against the darkening and the replenishing of the sun) is obvious and not expressed by particles μέν and δἔ grammatically:

… ὁ ἤλιοζ ἐξέλιπε … καὶ πὰλιν ἀνεπληϱώθη … καὶ ἀστὲϱων δἔ τινῶν ἐκφανέντων.

Therefore, such a stance is erroneous. On the other hand, acknowledging that καὶ simply unites the construction Genitivus Absolutus with the whole of the phrase, without any contrapositions of any kind attests to the fact that the action of the “appearance of stars” is of equal value with, and similar to, the action of “darkening-replenishing”, which is impossible. Firstly, Genitivus Absolutus is by nature an adverbial modifier and of equal value with a subordinate clause, therefore cannot have equal rights with the principal clause, but should be subordinate thereto. Secondly, ἐξέλιπε, ἀνεπληϱώθη and ἀστὲϱων τινῶν ἐκφανεντων, [d13], possess no similarity, and so it would be an error to ascribe the actions “darkened”, “replenished”, “stars appeared”, etc., to the same class of events.

Conclusion. Sequence of events is as follows: the sun darkened – assumed the shape of a crescent – the stars came into sight – the sun replenished again.

As a rule, contemporary languages convey the constructions of the ancient Greek by proxy of description, where the forms available are clarified by means of adverbs or other form words [d13]. Thus, the construction of Genitivus Absolutus is replaced by a subordinate clause, and the adverb γενόμενοζ – by a personal form of verb. To show the precedence of the action “assumed the shape of a crescent” to the action “replenished”, a relevant word order is used.

Literature and notes

[d1] Curtius, Erläuterungen zu meiner griechischen Schulgrammatik, pp. 181-182.

[d2] Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik, t. 1, Bd. 2, 1950, p. 248 and on.

[d3] Cherny, On Relation of Aspects of Russian Verb to Greek Tenses. SPb., 1887, pp. 4-8.

[d4] The issue of terms needs to be discussed: verbal forms are a complex fusion of meanings – aspect, mood, tense, etc. Disagreement may arise on whether a verb is in an indicative mood of the perfective aspect, or whether the verb of perfective aspect is in the indicative mood; whether an aspect has the participles of verb “x”, or whether the verb “x” of a certain aspect has participles. Issues like that are beyond the scope of the current work and believed to be terminological issues. In this case, we are concerned with the fact that two forms can be contraposed by the same feature – aspect of verb, e.g.: ἐξέλειπε, ἐξέλιπε – 3rd person, singular, active voice, indicative mood, but ἐξέλειπε is a verb of the imperfective aspect, while ἐξέλιπε is a verb of the perfective aspect.

[d5] Such as gender contraposition in the past tense. The existing form originates from a perfect adverb.

[d6] Cherny, Grammar of the Greek Language, part 2, 103 a, paragraph 45.

[d7] Ibid., paragraphs 45 and 138—143.

[d8] Ibid., paragraph 103 b, Cherny, On the Relation of Aspects…, pp. 21—28.

[d9] Künner, Ausführliche Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache, t. 2, Bd. 2, 524 (1).

[d10] Cherny, Grammar of the Greek Language, part 2, paragraphs 45 and 144.

[d11] Künner, Ausführliche Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache, 521(1-2).

[d12] Ibid., paragraph 522. On simultaneity and the precedence of actions, see also Cherny, On the Relation of Aspects…, especially the pages 21-28.

[d13] For instance, in the English translation by Bloomfield “having been” is clarified by “after”, in the French translation – “avoir eu”, “ayant brillé” – by “après” and “dans l’intervalle”.

What mainstream historians say about the New Chronology?

The New Chronology is a fringe theory regarded by the academic community as pseudohistory, which argues that the conventional chronology of Middle Eastern and European history is fundamentally flawed, and that events attributed to the civilizations of the Roman Empire, Ancient Greece and Ancient Egypt actually occurred during the Middle Ages, more than a thousand years later. The central concepts of the New Chronology are derived from the ideas of Russian scholar Nikolai Morozov (1854-1946), although work by French scholar Jean Hardouin (1646-1729) can be viewed as an earlier predecessor. However, the New Chronology is most commonly associated with Russian mathematician Anatoly Fomenko (b. 1945), although published works on the subject are actually a collaboration between Fomenko and several other mathematicians. The concept is most fully explained in History: Fiction or Science? book series, originally published in Russian.

The New Chronology also contains a reconstruction, an alternative chronology, radically shorter than the standard historical timeline, because all ancient history is “folded” onto the Middle Ages. According to Fomenko’s claims, the written history of humankind goes only as far back as AD 800, there is almost no information about events between AD 800–1000, and most known historical events took place in AD 1000–1500.

The New Chronology is rejected by mainstream historians and is inconsistent with absolute and relative dating techniques used in the wider scholarly community. The majority of scientific commentators consider the New Chronology to be pseudoscientific.

History of New Chronology

The idea of chronologies that differ from the conventional chronology can be traced back to at least the early XVII century. Jean Hardouinthen suggested that many ancient historical documents were much younger than commonly believed to be. In 1685 he published a version of Pliny the Elder’s Natural History in which he claimed that most Greek and Roman texts had been forged by Benedictine monks. When later questioned on these results, Hardouin stated that he would reveal the monks’ reasons in a letter to be revealed only after his death. The executors of his estate were unable to find such a document among his posthumous papers. In the XVII century, Sir Isaac Newton, examining the current chronology of Ancient Greece, Ancient Egypt and the Ancient Near East, expressed discontent with prevailing theories and proposed one of his own, which, basing its study on Apollonius of Rhodes’s Argonautica, changed the traditional dating of the Argonautic Expedition, the Trojan War, and the Founding of Rome.

In 1887, Edwin Johnson expressed the opinion that early Christian history was largely invented or corrupted in the II and III centuries.

In 1909, Otto Rank made note of duplications in literary history of a variety of cultures:

“… almost all important civilized peoples have early woven myths around and glorified in poetry their heroes, mythical kings and princes, founders of religions, of dynasties, empires and cities—in short, their national heroes. Especially the history of their birth and of their early years is furnished with phantastic [sic] traits; the amazing similarity, nay literal identity, of those tales, even if they refer to different, completely independent peoples, sometimes geographically far removed from one another, is well known and has struck many an investigator.” (Rank, Otto. Der Mythos von der Geburt des Helden.)

Fomenko became interested in Morozov’s theories in 1973. In 1980, together with a few colleagues from the mathematics department of Moscow State University, he published several articles on “new mathematical methods in history” in peer-reviewed journals. The articles stirred a lot of controversy, but ultimately Fomenko failed to win any respected historians to his side. By the early 1990s, Fomenko shifted his focus from trying to convince the scientific community via peer-reviewed publications to publishing books. Beam writes that Fomenko and his colleagues were discovered by the Soviet scientific press in the early 1980s, leading to “a brief period of renown”; a contemporary review from the journal Questions of History complained, “Their constructions have nothing in common with Marxist historical science.” (Alex Beam. “A shorter history of civilization.” Boston Globe, 16 September 1991.)

By 1996, his theory had grown to cover Russia, Turkey, China, Europe, and Egypt [Emp:1].

Fomenko’s claims

According to New Chronology, the traditional chronology consists of four overlapping copies of the “true” chronology shifted back in time by significant intervals with some further revisions. Fomenko claims all events and characters conventionally dated earlier than XI century are fictional, and represent “phantom reflections” of actual Middle Ages events and characters, brought about by intentional or accidental misdatings of historical documents. Before the invention of printing, accounts of the same events by different eyewitnesses were sometimes retold several times before being written down, then often went through multiple rounds of translating and copyediting. Names were translated, mispronounced and misspelled to the point where they bore little resemblance to originals.

According to Fomenko, this led early chronologists to believe or choose to believe that those accounts described different events and even different countries and time periods. Fomenko justifies this approach by the fact that, in many cases, the original documents are simply not available. Fomenko claims that all the history of the ancient world is known to us from manuscripts that date from the XV century to the XVIII century, but describe events that allegedly happened thousands of years before, the originals regrettably and conveniently lost.

For example, the oldest extant manuscripts of monumental treatises on Ancient Roman and Greek history, such as Annals and Histories, are conventionally dated c. AD 1100, more than a full millennium after the events they describe, and they did not come to scholars’ attention until the XV century. According to Fomenko, the XV century is probably when these documents were first written.

Central to Fomenko’s New Chronology is his claim of the existence of a vast Slav-Turk empire, which he called the “Russian Horde”, which he says played the dominant role in Eurasian history before the XVII century. The various peoples identified in ancient and medieval history, from the Scythians, Huns, Goths and Bulgars, through the Polyane, Duleby, Drevliane, Pechenegs, to in more recent times, the Cossacks, Ukrainians, and Belarusians, are nothing but elements of the single Russian Horde. For the New Chronologists, peoples such as the Ukrainians, Belarusians, Mongols, and others who assert their national independence from Russia, are suffering from a historical delusion.

Fomenko claims that the most probable prototype of the historical Jesus was Andronikos I Komnenos (allegedly AD 1152 to 1185), the emperor of Byzantium, known for his failed reforms; his traits and deeds reflected in ‘biographies’ of many real and imaginary persons (A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. Czar of the Slavs (in Russian). St. Petersburg: Neva, 2004.). The historical Jesus is a composite figure and reflection of the Old Testament prophet Elisha (850-800 BC?), Pope Gregory VII (1020?-1085), Saint Basil of Caesarea (330-379), and even Li Yuanhao (also known as Emperor Jingzong, or “Son of Heaven”, emperor of Western Xia, who reigned in 1032-1048), Euclides, Bacchus and Dionysius. Fomenko explains the seemingly vast differences in the biographies of these figures as resulting from difference in languages, points of view and time frame of the authors of said accounts and biographies.

Fomenko also merges the cities and histories of Jerusalem, Rome and Troy into “New Rome” = Gospel Jerusalem (in the XII and XIII centuries) = Troy = Yoros Castle (A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. Forgotten Jerusalem: Istanbul in the light of New Chronology (in Russian). Мoscow: Astrel, AST, 2007). To the south of Yoros Castle is Joshua’s Hill which Fomenko alleges is the hill Calvary depicted in the Bible.

Fomenko claims the Hagia Sophia is actually the biblical Temple of Solomon. He identifies Solomon as sultan Suleiman the Magnificent (1494–1566). He claims that historical Jesus may have been born in 1152 and was crucified around AD 1185 on the hill overlooking the Bosphorus.

On the other hand, according to Fomenko the word “Rome” is a placeholder and can signify any one of several different cities and kingdoms. He claims the “First Rome”, or “Ancient Rome”, or “Mizraim”, is an ancient Egyptian kingdom in the delta of the Nile with its capital in Alexandria. The second and most famous “New Rome” is Constantinople. The third “Rome” is constituted by three different cities: Constantinople (again), Rome in Italy, and Moscow. According to his claims, Rome in Italy was founded around AD 1380 by Aeneas, and Moscow as the third Rome was the capital of the great “Russian Horde.” Similarly, the word “Jerusalem” is actually a placeholder rather than a physical location and can refer to different cities at different times and the word “Israel” did not define a state, even not a territory, but people fighting for God, for example, French St. Louis and English Elizabeth called themselves the King/Queen of Israel.

He claims that parallelism between John the Baptist, Jesus, and Old Testament prophets implies that the New Testament was written before the Old Testament. Fomenko claims that the Bible was being written until the Council of Trent (1545–1563), when the list of canonical books was established, and all apocryphal books were ordered to be destroyed. Fomenko also claims that Plato, Plotinus and Gemistus Pletho are one and the same person; according to him, some texts by or about Pletho were misdated and today believed to be texts by or about Plotinus or Plato. He claims similar duplicates Dionysius the Areopagite, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, and Dionysius Petavius. He claims Florence and the House of Medici bankrolled and played an important role in creation of the magnificent ‘Roman’ and ‘Greek’ past.

Specific claims

In volumes 1, 2, 3 and 4 of History: Fiction or Science?, Fomenko and his colleagues make numerous claims:

- Historians and translators often “assign” different dates and locations to different accounts of the same historical events, creating multiple “phantom copies” of these events. These “phantom copies” are often misdated by centuries or even millennia and end up incorporated into conventional chronology.

- This chronology was largely manufactured by Joseph Justus Scaliger in Opus Novum de emendatione temporum (1583) and Thesaurum temporum (1606), and represents a vast array of dates produced without any justification whatsoever, containing the repeating sequences of dates with shifts equal to multiples of the major cabbalistic numbers 333 and 360. The Jesuit Dionysius Petavius completed this chronology in De Doctrina Temporum, 1627 (v.1) and 1632 (v.2).

- Archaeological dating, dendrochronological dating, paleographical dating, numismatic dating, carbon dating, and other methods of dating of ancient sources and artifacts known today are erroneous, non-exact or dependent on traditional chronology.

- No single document in existence can be reliably dated earlier than the XI century. Most “ancient” artifacts may find other than consensual explanation.

- Histories of Ancient Rome, Greece and Egypt were crafted during the Renaissance by humanists and clergy - mostly on the basis of documents of their own making.

- The Old Testament represents a rendition of events of the XIV to XVI centuries AD in Europe and Byzantium, containing “prophecies” about “future” events related in the New Testament, a rendition of events of AD 1152 to 1185.

- The history of religions runs as follows: the pre-Christian period (before the XI century and the birth of Jesus), Bacchic Christianity (XI and XII centuries, before and after the life of Jesus), Christianity (XII to XVI centuries) and its subsequent mutations into Orthodox Christianity, Catholicism, Judaism, and Islam.

- The Almagest of Claudius Ptolemy, traditionally dated to around AD 150 and considered the cornerstone of classical history, was compiled in XVI and XVII centuries from astronomical data of the IX to XVI centuries.

- 37 complete Egyptian horoscopes found in Denderah, Esna, and other temples have unique valid astronomical solutions with dates ranging from AD 1000 and up to as late as AD 1700.

- The Book of Revelation, as we know it, contains a horoscope, dated to 25 September - 10 October 1486, compiled by cabbalistJohannes Reuchlin.

- The horoscopes found in Sumerian/Babylonian tablets do not contain sufficient astronomical data; consequently, they have solutions every 30–50 years on the time axis and are therefore useless for purposes of dating.

- The Chinese tables of eclipses are useless for dating, as they contain too many eclipses that did not take place astronomically. Chinese tables of comets, even if true, cannot be used for dating.

- All major inventions like powder and guns, paper and print occurred in Europe in the period between the X and the XVI centuries.

- Ancient Roman and Greek statues, showing perfect command of the human anatomy, are fakes crafted in the Renaissance, when artists attained such command for the first time.

- There was no such thing as the Tartar and Mongol invasion followed by over two centuries of yoke and slavery, because the so-called “Tartars and Mongols” were the actual ancestors of the modern Russians, living in a bilingual state with Turkic spoken as freely as Russian. So, Russia and Turkey once formed parts of the same empire. This ancient Russian state was governed by a double structure of civil and military authorities and the hordes were actually professional armies with a tradition of lifelong conscription (the recruitment being the so-called “blood tax”). The Mongol “invasions” were punitive operations against the regions of the empire that attempted tax evasion. Tamerlane was probably a Russian warlord.

- Official Russian history is a blatant forgery concocted by a host of German scholars brought to Russia to legitimize the usurpingRomanov dynasty (1613-1917).

- Moscow was founded as late as the mid-XIV century. The battle of Kulikovo took place in Moscow.

- The tsar Ivan the Terrible represents a collation of no fewer than four rulers, representing two rival dynasties: the legitimate Godunov rulers and the ambitious Romanov upstarts.

- English history of AD 640–1040 and Byzantine history of AD 378–830 are reflections of the same late-medieval original.

Fomenko’s methods

Statistical correlation of texts

One of Fomenko’s simplest methods is statistical correlation of texts. His basic assumption is that a text which describes a sequence of events will devote more space to more important events (for example, a period of war or an unrest will have much more space devoted to than a period of peaceful, non-eventful years), and that this irregularity will remain visible in other descriptions of the period. For each analysed text, a function is devised which maps each year mentioned in the text with the number of pages (lines, letters) devoted in the text to its description (which could be zero). The function of the two texts are then compared. (Chron1, pp. 187–194.)

For example, Fomenko compares the contemporary history of Rome written by Titus Livius with a modern history of Rome written by Russian historian V. S. Sergeev, calculating that the two have high correlation, and thus that they describe the same period of history, which is undisputed. (Chron1, pp. 194–196.) He also compares modern texts, which describe different periods, and calculates low correlation, as expected. (Chron1, pp. 194–196.) However, when he compares, for example, the ancient history of Rome and the medieval history of Rome, he calculates a high correlation, and concludes that ancient history of Rome is a copy of medieval history of Rome, thus clashing with mainstream accounts.

Statistical correlation of dynasties

In a somewhat similar manner, Fomenko compares two dynasties of rulers using statistical methods. First, he creates a database of rulers, containing relevant information on each of them. Then, he creates “survey codes” for each pair of the rulers, which contain a number which describes degree of the match of each considered property of two rulers. For example, one of the properties is the way of death: if two rulers were both poisoned, they get value of +1 in their property of the way of death; if one ruler was poisoned and another killed in combat, they get -1; and if one was poisoned, and another died of illness, they get 0 (Fomenko claims there is possibility that chroniclers were not impartial and that different descriptions nonetheless describe the same person). An important property is the length of the rule. (Chron1, pp. 215–223.)

Sample Fomenko parallelism.

Fomenko lists a number of pairs of unrelated dynasties – for example, dynasties of kings of Israeland emperors of late Western Roman Empire (AD 300-476) – and claims that this method demonstrates correlations between their reigns. (Graphs which show just the length of the rule in the two dynasties are the most widely known; however, Fomenko’s conclusions are also based on other parameters, as described above.) He also claims that the regnal history from the XVII to XX centuries never shows correlation of “dynastic flows” with each other, therefore Fomenko insists history was multiplied and outstretched into imaginary antiquity to justify this or other “royal” pretensions.

Fomenko uses for the demonstration of correlation between the reigns exclusively the data from the Chronological Tables of J. Blair (Moscow, 1808-1809). Fomenko says that Blair’s tables are all the more valuable to us since they were compiled in an epoch adjacent to the time of Scaligerian chronology. According to Fomenko these tables contain clearer signs of “Scaligerite activity” which were subsequently buried under layers of paint and plaster by historians of the XIX and XX centuries.

Astronomical evidence

Fomenko examines astronomical events described in ancient texts and claims that the chronology is actually medieval. For example:

- He says the mysterious drop in the value of the lunar acceleration parameter D” (“a linear combination of the [angular] accelerations of the Earth and Moon”) between the years AD 700–1300, which the American astronomer Robert Newton had explained in terms of “non-gravitational” (i.e., tidal) forces. By eliminating those anomalous early eclipses the New Chronology produces a constant value of D” beginning around AD 1000. (Chron1, pp. pp.93-94, 105-6.)

- He associates initially the Star of Bethlehem with the AD 1140 (±20) supernova (now Crab Nebula) and the Crucifixion Eclipse with the total solar eclipse of AD 1170 (±20). He also believes that Crab Nebula supernova could not have exploded in AD 1054, but probably in AD 1153. He connects it with total eclipse of AD 1186. Moreover he holds in strong doubt the veracity of ancient Chinese astronomical data.

- He argues that the star catalog in the Almagest, ascribed to the Hellenistic astronomer Claudius Ptolemy, was compiled in the XV to XVI centuries AD. With this objective in sight he develops new methods of dating old stellar catalogues and claims that the Almagest is based on data collected between AD 600 and 1300, whereby the telluric obliquity is well taken into account.

- He refines and completes Morozov’s analysis of some ancient horoscopes, most notably, the so-called Dendera Zodiacs—two horoscopes drawn on the ceiling of the temple of Hathor—and comes to the conclusion that they correspond to either the XI or the XIII century AD. Moreover, in his History: Fiction or Science? series finale, he makes computer-aided dating of all 37 Egyptian horoscopes that contain sufficient astronomical data, and claims they all fit into XI to XIX century timeframe. Traditional history usually either interprets these horoscopes as belonging to the I century BC or suggests that they weren’t meant to match any date at all.

- In his final analysis of an eclipse triad described by the ancient Greek Thucydides in History of the Peloponnesian War, Fomenko dates the eclipses to AD 1039, 1046 and 1057. Because of the layered structure of the manuscript, he claims that Thucydides actually lived in medieval times and in describing the Peloponnesian War between the Spartans and Athenians he was actually describing the conflict between the medieval Navarrans and Catalans in Spain from AD 1374 to 1387.

- Fomenko claims that the abundance of dated astronomical records in cuneiform texts from Mesopotamia is of little use for dating of events, as the astronomical phenomena they describe recur cyclically every 30–40 years.

Rejection of common dating methods

On archaeological dating methods, Fomenko claims:

“Archaeological, dendrochronological, paleographical and carbon methods of dating of ancient sources and artifacts are both non-exact and contradictory, therefore there is not a single piece of firm written evidence or artifact that could be reliably and independently dated earlier than the XI century.” (Chron1.)

Dendrochronology is rejected with a claim that, for dating of objects much older than the oldest still living trees, it isn’t an absolute, but arelative dating method, and thus dependent on traditional chronology. Fomenko specifically points to a break of dendrochronological scales around AD 1000.

Fomenko also cites a number of cases where carbon dating of a series of objects of known age gave significantly different dates. He also alleges undue cooperation between physicists and archaeologists in obtaining the dates, since most radiocarbon dating labs only accept samples with an age estimate suggested by historians or archaeologists. Fomenko also claims that carbon dating over the range of AD 1 to 2000 is inaccurate because it has too many sources of error that are either guessed at or completely ignored, and that calibration is done with a statistically meaningless number of samples. Consequently, Fomenko concludes that carbon dating is not accurate enough to be used on historical scale.

Fomenko rejects numismatic dating as circular, being based on the traditional chronology, and points to cases of similar coins being minted in distant periods, unexplained long periods with no coins minted and cases of mismatch of numismatic dating with historical accounts. (Chron1, pp. 90-92.)

He fully agrees with absolute dating methods for clay tablets or coins like thermoluminescence dating, optically stimulated luminescence dating, archaeomagnetic, metallographic dating, but claims that their precision does not allow for comprehensive pinpointing on the time axis either.

Fomenko also condemns the common archaeological practice of submitting samples for dating accompanied with an estimate of the expected age. He claims that convergence of uncertainty in archaeological dating methods proves strictly nothing per se. Even if the sum S of probabilities of the veracity of event produced by N dating methods exceeds 1.00 it does not mean that the event has taken place with 100% probability.

Reception

Fomenko’s historical ideas have been universally rejected by mainstream scholars, who brand them as pseudoscience, but were popularized by former world chess champion Garry Kasparov. Billington writes that the theory “might have quietly blown away in the wind tunnels of academia” if not for Kasparov’s writing in support of it in the magazine Ogoniok. Kasparov met Fomenko during the 1990s, and found that Fomenko’s conclusions concerning certain subjects were identical to his own regarding the popular view (which is not the view of academics) that art and culture died during the Dark Ages and were not revived until the Renaissance. Kasparov also felt it illogical that the Romans and the Greeks living under the banner of Byzantium could fail to use the mounds of scientific knowledge left them by Ancient Greece and Rome, especially when it was of urgent military use. However, Kasparov does not support the reconstruction part of the New Chronology. Russian critics tended to see Fomenko’s New Chronology as “an embarrassment and a potent symbol of the depths to which the Russian academy and society have generally sunk … since the fall of Communism.” Western critics see his views as part of a renewed Russian imperial ideology, “keeping alive an imperial consciousness and secular messianism in Russia.”

In 2004 Anatoly Fomenko with his coauthor Gleb Nosovsky were awarded for their books on “New Chronology” the anti-prize of the Moscow International Book Fair called “Abzatz” (literally ‘paragraph’, a euphemism for a vulgar Russian word meaning disaster or fiasco) in the category “Esteemed nonsense” (“Pochotnaya bezgramota”) awarded for the worst book published in Russia.

Critics have accused Fomenko of altering the data to improve the fit with his ideas and have noted that he violates a key rule of statistics by selecting matches from the historical record which support his chronology, while ignoring those which do not, creating artificial, better-than-chance correlations, and that these practices undermine Fomenko’s statistical arguments. The new chronology was given a comprehensive critical analysis in a round table on “The ‘Myths’ of New Chronology” chaired by the dean of the department of history of Moscow State University in December 1999. One of the participants in that round table, the distinguished Russian archaeologist, Valentin Yanin, compared Fomenko’s work to “the sleight of hand trickery of a David Copperfield.” Linguist Andrey Zaliznyak argued that by using the Fomenko’s approaches one can “prove” any historical correspondence, for example, between Ancient Egyptian pharaohs and French kings.

James Billington, formerly professor of Russian history at Harvard and Princeton and currently the Librarian of Congress placed Fomenko’s work within the context of the political movement of Eurasianism, which sought to tie Russian history closely to that of its Asian neighbors. Billington describes Fomenko as ascribing the belief in past hostility between Russia and the Mongols to the influence of Western historians. Thus, by Fomenko’s chronology, “Russia and Turkey are parts of a previously single empire.” A French reviewer of Billington’s book noted approvingly his concern with the phantasmagorical conceptions of Fomenko about the global “new chronology.”

H.G. van Bueren, professor emeritus of astronomy at the University of Utrecht, concluded his scathing review of Fomenko’s work on the application of mathematics and astronomy to historical data as follows:

“It is surprising, to say the least, that a well-known (Dutch) publisher could produce an expensive book of such doubtful intellectual value, of which the only good word that can be said is that it contains an enormous amount of factual historical material, untidily ordered, true; badly written, yes; mixed-up with conjectural nonsense, sure; but still, much useful stuff. For the rest of the book is absolutely worthless. It reminds one of the early Soviet attempts to produce tendentious science (Lysenko!), of polywater, of cold fusion, and of modern creationism. In brief: a useless and misleading book.” (H. G. van Bueren, Mathematics and Logic.)

Convergence of methods in archaeological dating

While Fomenko rejects commonly accepted dating methods, archaeologists, conservators and other scientists make extensive use of such techniques which have been rigorously examined and refined during decades of use.

In the specific case of dendrochronology, Fomenko claims that this fails as an absolute dating method because of gaps in the record. However, independent dendrochronological sequences beginning with living trees from various parts of North America and Europe extend back 12,400 years into the past. Furthermore, the mutual consistency of these independent dendrochronological sequences has been confirmed by comparing their radiocarbon and dendrochronological ages. These and other data have provided a calibration curve for radiocarbon dating whose internal error does not exceed ±163 years over the entire 26,000 years of the curve.

In fact, archaeologists have developed a fully anchored dendrochronology series going back past 10,000 BCE. “The absolutely dated tree-ring chronology now extends back to 12,410 cal BP (10,461 BC).”

Misuse of historical sources and forced pattern matching

Critics of Fomenko’s theory claim that his use of historical sources is highly selective and ignores the basic principles of sound historical scholarship.

“Fomenko … provides no fair-minded review of the historical literature about a topic with which he deals, quotes only those sources that serve his purposes, uses evidence in ways that seem strange to professionally-trained historians and asserts the wildest speculation as if it has the same status as the information common to the conventional historical literature.”

They also note that his method of statistically correlating of texts is very rough, because it does not take into account the many possible sources of variation in length outside of “importance.” They maintain that differences in language, style, and scope, as well as the frequently differing views and focuses of historians, which are manifested in a different notion of “important events”, make quantifying historical writings a dubious proposition at best. What’s more, Fomenko’s critics allege that the parallelisms he reports are often derived by alleged forcing by Fomenko of the data – rearranging, merging, and removing monarchs as needed to fit the pattern.

For example, on the one hand Fomenko asserts that the vast majority of ancient sources are either irreparably distorted duplicate accounts of the same events or later forgeries. In his identification of Jesus with Pope Gregory VII (Chron2, p. 51) he ignores the otherwise vast dissimilarities between their reported lives and focuses on the similarity of their appointment to religious office by baptism. (The evangelical Jesus is traditionally believed to have lived for 33 years, and he was an adult at the time of his encounter with John the Baptist. In contrast, according to the available primary sources, Pope Gregory VII lived for at least 60 years and was born 8 years after the death of Fomenko’s John-the-Baptist equivalent John Crescentius.)

Critics allege that many of the supposed correlations of regnal durations are the product of the selective parsing and blending of the dates, events, and individuals mentioned in the original text. Another point raised by critics is that Fomenko does not explain his altering the data (changing the order of rulers, dropping rulers, combining rulers, treating interregna as rulers, switching between theologians and emperors, etc.) preventing a duplication of the effort and effectively making this whole theory an ad hoc hypothesis.

Selectivity in reference to astronomical phenomena

Critics point out that Fomenko’s discussion of astronomical phenomena tends to be selective, choosing isolated examples that support the New Chronology and ignoring the large bodies of data that provide statistically supported evidence for the conventional dating. For his dating of the Almagest star catalog, Fomenko arbitrarily selected eight stars from the more than 1000 stars in the catalog, one of which (Arcturus) has a large systematic error. This star has a dominant effect on Fomenko’s dating. Statistical analysis using the same method for all “fast” stars points to the antiquity of the Almagest star catalog. Rawlins points out further that Fomenko’s statistical analysis got the wrong date for the Almagest because he took as constant Earth’s obliquity when it is a variable that changes at a very slow, but known, rate.

Fomenko’s studies ignore the abundance of dated astronomical records in cuneiform texts from Mesopotamia. Among these texts is a series of Babylonian astronomical diaries, which records precise astronomical observations of the Moon and planets, often dated in terms of the reigns of known historical figures extending back to the VI century BCE. Astronomical retrocalculations for all these moving objects allow us to date these observations, and consequently the rulers’ reigns, to within a single day. The observations are sufficiently redundant that only a small portion of them are sufficient to date a text to a unique year in the period 750 BCE to 100 CE. The dates obtained agree with the accepted chronology. In addition, F. R. Stephenson has demonstrated through a systematic study of a large number of Babylonian, Ancient and Medieval European, and Chinese records of eclipse observations that they can be dated consistently with conventional chronology at least as far back as 600 BCE. In contrast to Fomenko’s missing centuries, Stephenson’s studies of eclipse observations find an accumulated uncertainty in the timing of the rotation of the earth of 420 seconds at 400 BCE, and only 80 seconds at 1000 CE.

Magnitude and consistency of conspiracy theory

Fomenko claims that world history prior to 1600 was deliberately falsified for political reasons. The consequences of this conspiracy theory are twofold. Documents that conflict with New Chronology are said to have been edited or fabricated by conspirators (mostly Western European historians and humanists of late XVI to XVII centuries). The lack of documents directly supporting New Chronology and conflicting traditional history is said to be thanks to the majority of such documents being destroyed by the same conspirators.

Consequently, there are many thousands of documents that are considered authentic in traditional history, but not in New Chronology. Fomenko often uses “falsified” documents, which he dismisses in other contexts, to prove a point. For example, he analyzes the Tartar Relation and arrives at the conclusion that Mongolian capital of Karakorum was located in Central Russia (equated with present-day Yaroslavl). However, the Tartar Relation makes several statements that are at odds with New Chronology (such as that Batu Khan and Russian duke Yaroslav are two distinct people). Those are said by Fomenko to have been introduced into the original text by later editors.

Many of the rulers that Fomenko claims are medieval doppelgangers moved in the imaginary past have left behind vast numbers of coins. Numismatists have made innumerable identifications of coins to rulers known from ancient sources. For instance, several Roman emperors issued coinage featuring at least three of their names, consistent with those found in written sources, and there are frequent examples of joint coinage between known royal family members, as well as overstrikes by kings who were known enemies.

Ancient coins in Greek and Latin are unearthed to this day in vast quantities from Britain to India. For Fomenko’s theories to be correct, this could only be explained by counterfeit on a very grand and consistent scale, as well as a complete dismissal of all numismatic analyses of hoard findings, coin styles etc.

Popularity in forums and amongst Russian imperialists

Despite criticism, Fomenko has published and sold over one million copies of his books in his native Russia. Many internet forums have appeared which aim to supplement his work with additional amateur research. His critics have suggested that Fomenko’s version of history appealed to the Russian reading public by keeping alive an imperial consciousness to replace their disillusionment with the failures of Communism and post-Communist corporate oligarchies.

Alexander Zinoviev called the New Chronology “one of the major scientific breakthroughs of the XX century.”

(Wikipedia text retrieved on 2nd August, 2015)

Afterword from the publisher

Dr. Fomenko et al as scientists are ready to recognize their mistakes, to repent and to retract on the condition that:

- radiocarbon dating methods pass the black box tests, or

- astronomy refutes their results on ancient eclipses, or

- US astrophysicist Robert Newton was proved wrong to accuse Ptolemy of his crime.

At present, historians do not, can not, and will not comply. The radiocarbon dating labs run their very costly tests only if the sample to be dated is accompanied with an idea of age pronounced by historians on basis of … subjective … mmm … gutfeeling … and the history books they have been writing for the last 400 years. Radiocarbon labs politely bill for their fiddling and finetuning to get the dates “to order” of historians. Circulus vitiosus is perfect.

Bibliography

Separate books on the New Chronology

Prior to the publication of the seven-volume Chronology, we published a number of books on the same topic. If we are to disregard the paperbacks and the concise versions, as well as new re-editions, there are seven such books. Shortened versions of their names appear below:

1. Introduction.

2. Methods 1-2.

3. Methods 3.

4. The New Chronology of Russia, Britain and Rome.

5. The Empire.

6. The Biblical Russia.

7. Reconstruction.

• Book one. Introduction.

[Intro]:1. Fomenko, A. T. New Experimental Statistical Methods of Dating Ancient Events and their Application to the Global Classical and Mediaeval Chronology. Pre-print. Moscow, The State Television and Radio Broadcast Committee, 1981. Order #3672. Lit. 9/XI-81. No. BO7201, 100 p.

[Intro]:2. Fomenko, A. T. Some New Empirico-Statistical Methods of Dating and the Analysis of Present Global Chronology. London, The British Library, Department of Printed Books, 1981. Cup. 918/87. 100 p.

[Intro]3. Fomenko, A. T. A Criticism of the Traditional Chronology of the Classical Age and the Middle Ages (What Century Is It Now?). Essay. Moscow, Publishing House of the Moscow State University Department of Mechanical Mathematics, 1993. 204 p.

[Intro]:4. 2nd edition, revised and expanded. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. A Criticism of the Traditional Chronology of the Classical Age and the Middle Ages (What Century Is It Now?). Moscow, Kraft-Lean, 1999. 757 p. Kraft Publications released a concise version of this book in 2001. 487 p.

[Intro]:5. Another revision. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. What Century Is It Now? Moscow, AIF-Print Publications, 2002. 511 p.

• Book two, part one: Methods-1.

[Meth1]:1. Fomenko, A. T. The Methods of Statistical Analysis of Narrative Texts and their Chronological Applications. (The identification and dating of dependent texts, statistical chronology of the antiquity, as well as the statistics of ancient astronomical accounts.) Moscow, The MSU Publishing House, 1990. 439 p.

[Meth1]:2. 2nd revised edition came out in 1996 as The Methods Of Mathematical Analysis of Historical Texts. Chronological applications. Moscow, Nauka Publications, 1996. 475 p.

[Meth1]:3. Several chapters of the book came out in 1996, revised and extended, as a separate book: Fomenko, A. T. The New Chronology of Greece. Antiquity in the Middle Ages, Vols. 1 and 2. Moscow, MSU Centre of Research and Pre-University Education, 1996. 914 p.

[Meth1]:4. The English translation of the book, extended and revised to a large extent, was released under the following title: Fomenko, A. T. Empirico-Statistical Analysis of Narrative Material and its Applications to Historical Dating. Vol. 1, The Development of the Statistical Tools. Vol. 2, The Analysis of Ancient and Mediaeval Records. The Netherlands, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1994. Vol. 1: 211 p. Vol. 2: 462 p.

[Meth1]:5. A Serbian translation titled Фоменко А. Т. Статистичка хронологиjа. Математички поглед на историjу. У ком смо веку? was published in 1997. Belgrade, Margo-Art, 1997. 450 p.

[Meth1]:6. The book was published in a revised and substantially extended version in 1999 as Volume 1 in a series of two: Fomenko, A. T. The Methods of Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts. Chronological Applications. Vol. 1. Moscow, Kraft and Lean, 1999. 801 p.

[Meth1]:7. A revised version of the book was published as two volumes (the first two in a series of three) in 1999 in the USA (in Russian) by the Edwin Mellen Press. Fomenko, A. T. New Methods of Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts. Applications to Chronology, Vols. 1 and 2. The publication is part of the series titled Scholarly Monographs in the Russian Language, Vols. 6-7. Lewiston, Queenston, Lampeter, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1999. Vol. 1: 588 p. Vol. 2: 564 p.

• Book two, part two: Methods-2.

[Meth2]:1. Fomenko, A. T. Global Chronology. (A Research of the Classical and Mediaeval History. Mathematical Methods of Source Analysis. Global Chronology.) Moscow, MSU Publications, 1993. 408 p.

[Meth2]:2. A revised and substantially extended version of the book as the second volume in a series of two: Fomenko, A. T. The Methods of Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts. Chronological Applications, Vol. 2. Moscow, Kraft and Lean, 1999. 907 p.

[Meth2]:3. A revised version of the book was published as the last volume in a series of three in the USA (in Russian) under the title: Fomenko A. T. Antiquity in the Middle Ages (Greek and Bible History), the trilogy bearing the general name: Fomenko A. T. New Methods of the Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts and their Chronological Application. The publication is part of the series titled Scholarly Monographs in the Russian Language. Lewiston, Queenston, Lampeter, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1999. 578 p.

• Book three: Methods-3.

[Meth3]:1. Fomenko, A. T., V. V. Kalashnikov, and G. V. Nosovskiy. Geometrical and Statistical Methods of Analysis of Star Configurations. Dating Ptolemy’s Almagest. USA: CRC Press, 1993. 300 p.

[Meth3]:2. The Russian version of the book was published in 1995 in Moscow by the Faktorial Publications under the title: Kalashnikov V. V., Nosovskiy G. V., Fomenko A. T. The Dating of the Almagest Star Catalogue. Statistical and Geometrical Analysis. 286 p.

[Meth3]:3. A substantially extended and revised version of the book: Kalashnikov, V. V., G. V. Nosovskiy, and A. T. Fomenko. The Astronomical Analysis of Chronology. The Almagest. Zodiacs. Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publications, 2000. 895 p.

[Meth3]:4. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology of Egypt. The Astronomical Dating of Ancient Egyptian Monuments. Research of 2000-2002. Moscow, Veche Press, 2002. 463 p.

• Book four: Russia, Britain and Rome.

[RBR]:1. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology and Conception of the Ancient History of Russia, Britain, and Rome. Facts, Statistics, Hypotheses. Vol. 1, Russia. Vol. 2, Britain and Rome. Moscow, MSU Centre of Research and Pre-University Education. Two editions, 1995 and 1996. 672 p.

[RBR]:2. A somewhat adapted and revised version of the book came out in 1997: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. Russia and Rome. How correct is our understanding of Eurasian history? Vols. 1 and 2. Moscow, Olymp Publications, 1997. 2nd edition 1999. The next three volumes from this series of five were published in 2001. Vol. 1: 606 p. Vol. 2: 621 p. Vol. 3: 540 p. Vol. 4: 490 p. Vol. 5: 394 p.

[RBR]:3. A revised version of the first volume was published in 1997 as a separate book: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology of Russia. Moscow, Faktorial Publications, 1997. Re-editions 1998 and 1999. 255 p.

[RBR]:4. A new, substantially extended and revised version of the first two-volume edition as a single volume: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology of Russia, Britain and Rome. Moscow, Anvik, 1999. 540 p.

[RBR]:5. A new revised version of this book came out as a single volume: Fomenko A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publications, 2001. 1015 p.

• Book five: The Empire.

[Emp]:1. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Empire (Russia, Turkey, China, Europe, Egypt. The New Mathematical Chronology of Antiquity). Moscow, Faktorial, 1996. Re-editions 1997, 1998, 1999, 2001 and 2002. 752 p.

• Book six: The Biblical Russia.

[BR]:1. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Mathematical Chronology of the Biblical Events. Moscow, Nauka Publications, 1997. 407 p.

[BR]:2. A substantially revised and extended version: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Biblical Russia. The Empire of Horde-Russia and the Bible. The New Mathematical Chronology of Antiquity. Vols. 1 and 2. Moscow, Faktorial, 1998. Vol. 1: 687 p. Vol. 2: 582 p.

[BR]:3. A somewhat condensed version, which nevertheless contained some important new material: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. Horde-Russia on the Pages of the Biblical Books. Moscow, Anvik Publications, 1998. 430 p.

[BR]:4. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Biblical Russia. Selected Chapters I (The Empire of Horde-Russia and the Bible. The New Mathematical Chronology of Antiquity. History of the Manuscripts and Editions of the Bible. The Events of the XI-XII Century A.D. in the New Testament. The Pentateuch.). Moscow, Faktorial, 1999. 173 p.

[BR]:5. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Biblical Russia. Selected Chapters II (The Empire of Horde-Russia and the Bible. The New Mathematical Chronology of Antiquity. History of the XIV-XVI Century in the Last Books of the Kings. The History of the XV-XVI Century in the Last Chapters of the Books of the Kings. History of the XV-XVI Century in the Books of Esther and Judith. The Reformation Epoch of the XVI-XVII Century). Moscow, Faktorial Press, 2000. 223 p.

• Book seven: Reconstruction.

[Rec]:1. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. A Reconstruction of Global History (The New Chronology). Book 1. Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publishers, 1999. 735 p.

[Rec]:2. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. A Reconstruction of Global History. The Research of 1999-2000 (The New Chronology). Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publishers, 1999. 615 p.

[Rec]:3. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. A Reconstruction of Global History. Joan of Arc, Samson, and the History of Russia. Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publishers, 2002.

We have to point out that the publication of our books on the New Chronology has influenced a number of authors and their works where the new chronological concepts are discussed or developed. Some of these are: L. I. Bocharov, N. N. Yefimov, I. M. Chachukh, and I. Y. Chernyshov ([93]), Jordan Tabov ([827], [828]), A. Goutz ([220]), M. M. Postnikov ([680]), V. A. Nikerov ([579:1]), Heribert Illig ([1208]), Christian Blöss and Hans-Ulrich Niemitz ([1038], [1039]), Gunnar Heinsohn ([1185]), Gunnar Heinsohn and Heribert Illig ([1186]), Uwe Topper ([1462], [1463]).

Our research attracted sufficient attention to chronological issues for the Muscovite publishing house Kraft to print a new edition of the fundamental work of N. A. Morozov titled Christ, first published in 1924-1932.

Sources in Russian

[1]. Abalakin, V. K. The Essential Ephemeris Astronomy. Moscow, 1979.

[2]. Abbas, Shalabi. The Entire Egypt, from Cairo to Abu-Simbel and Sinai. 2nd extended Russian edition. Florence, Bonechi, 1996.

[2:1]. Avadyaeva, E., and L. Zdanovich. The Hundred Great Afflictions. Moscow, Veche, 1999.

[3]. Agathius. The Reign of Justinian. Moscow-Leningrad, USSR Academy of Sciences Publications, 1953. See also Agathius, Scholasticus. Agathiae Myrinaei Historiarum libri quinque. Berolini, 1967.

[4]. Mez, Adam. The Muslim Renaissance. Moscow, Nauka, 1966. German edition: Mez, A. Die Renaissance des Islams. Heidelberg, 1922.

[5]. Azarevich, D. I. The History of the Byzantine Law. Yaroslavl, 1876-1877.

[6]. Aydarova-Volkova, G. The Priceless Experience. A Cultural Dialogue. Looking Across the Centuries. The Kazan magazine, Issue 9-10 (1999): 13-21.

[7]. Acropolite, George. The Chronicle of the Great Logothete George Acropolite. St. Petersburg, 1863.

[8]. The Historical Acts Compiled and Published by the Archaeographical Commission. St. Petersburg, The State Document Preparation Expedition Typography. Vols. 1 and 2. 1841.

[9]. Nazarov, V. D., ed. The Acts of the State of Russia. Archives of the Muscovite Monasteries and Cathedrals. The XV – early XVII century. Moscow, The Ladomir Research and Publication Centre, 1998.

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