HISTORY: FICTION OR SCIENCE? ● BOOK 13

The Issue

with Czar’s Helmet

Anatoly Fomenko

Gleb Nosovskiy

THE ISSUE WITH CZAR’S HELMET

By Anatoly Fomenko and Gleb Nosovskiy

Book 13 of History: Fiction or Science? series.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the publisher. Critics are welcome, of course, to quote brief passages by way of criticism and review.

Anatoly Fomenko and Gleb Nosovskiy assert the moral right to be identified as the authors of this work.

Translated from Russian by Mikhail Yagupov

Design & layout: Paul Bondarovski

Project management: Franck Tamdhu

On the cover: Helmet. Mid-XVI century. Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul, Turkey.

Copyright © 2003-2017 Delamere Resources LLC

Published by Delamere Resources LLC

Publisher’s website

2017 print edition

Volume 1:

Dating methods as offered by mathematical statistics, eclipses and zodiacs

Volume 2:

The dynastic parallelism method. Rome. Troy. Greece. The Bible. Chronological shifts

Volume 3:

Astronomical methods as applied to chronology. Ptolemy’s Almagest. Tycho Brahe. Copernicus. The Egyptian zodiacs

Volume 4:

Russia. Britain. Byzantinium. Rome

Video from Wikipedia

Overview of the e-Series

History: Fiction or Science?

by Anatoly Fomenko and Gleb Nosovskiy

Book 1:

The Issue with Chronology

Book 2:

Astronomy vs. History

Book 3:

The Apocalypse Seen by Astronomy

Book 4:

The Issue with Dark Ages

Book 5:

The Issue with Antiquity

Book 6:

The Issue with Troy

Book 7:

The Issue with Russian History

Book 8:

The Horde From Pacific to Atlantic

Book 9:

The Issue with Mongols

Book 10:

The Issue with Ivan the Terrible

Book 11:

The Issue with Tamerlane

Book 12:

USA Has Issues with Maps of 18th Century

Book 13:

The Issue with Czar’s Helmet

Book 14:

The Issue with Russian Tartary

Book 15:

The Issue with British History

Book 16:

Crusades and Exoduses

Book 17:

Maps and Coins vs. History

Book 18:

Swords and Mantles Tell History

Book 19:

The Testament of Peter the Great

Book 20:

The Issue with Baptism of Russia

Book 21:

The Issue with Chinese Astronomy

Book 22:

The Great Wall Of China Hoax

Contents

About the authors

From the publisher

1. Arabic inscriptions upon Russian weapons

1.1.Why would Nikita Davydov, a Russian craftsman, decorate the royal helmet with Arabic inscriptions?

1.2. The reason why Alexander Nevskiy and Ivan the Terrible wore helmets with Arabic writing. The famous “Arabic conquest of the world” as it happened in reality

2. Arabic text upon the Russian mitre of Princes Mstislavskiy

3. The word “Allah” as used by the Russian Church in the XVI and even the XVII century, alongside the quotations from the Koran

3.1. “The Voyage beyond the Three Seas” by Afanasiy Nikitin

3.2. Authentic Old Russian attire dating from the XVII century and decorated with lettering in three scripts – Cyrillic, Arabic and a “mystery script” that defies interpretation today

4. Occasional use of Arabic script in Russian texts in the relatively recent epoch of the XVII century. Travel diaries of Paul of Aleppo

5. Arabic numerals as derived from the alphanumeric symbols of the Slavs and the Greeks in the XV-XVI century A.D.

5.1. The invention of positional notation: when did it happen?

5.2. The origins of the Arabic numerals used for positional notation

5.3. Conspicuous traces of sixes fashioned into fives found in the old documents

5.4. XVII century alterations introduced into the old datings

6. Russian alphabet before the XVII century. The poorly legible inscription on the church-bell of Zvenigorod declared a “cryptogram”

7. European writing before the XVII century. The so-called “European cryptograms”

What mainstream historians say about the New Chronology?

Overview of the e-Series

Overview of the seven-volume print edition

Also by Anatoly T. Fomenko

Also by Gleb V. Nosovskiy

Bibliography

About the authors

- Fomenko, Anatoly Timofeevich (b. 1945). Full Member (Academician) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Full Member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences, Full Member of the International Higher Education Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Head of the Moscow State University Section of Mathematics of the Department of Mathematics and Mechanics. Solved Plateau’s Problem from the theory of minimal spectral surfaces. Author of the theory of invariants and topological classification of integrable Hamiltonian dynamic systems. Laureate of the 1996 National Premium of the Russian Federation (in Mathematics) for a cycle of works on the Hamiltonian dynamical systems and manifolds’ invariants theory. Author of 200 scientific publications, 28 monographs and textbooks on mathematics, a specialist in geometry and topology, calculus of variations, symplectic topology, Hamiltonian geometry and mechanics, computer geometry. Author of a number of books on the development of new empirico-statistical methods and their application to the analysis of historical chronicles as well as the chronology of antiquity and the Middle Ages.

- Nosovskiy, Gleb Vladimirovich (b. 1958). Candidate of Physics and Mathematics (MSU,Moscow, 1988), specialist in theory of probability, mathematical statistics, theory of probabilistic processes, theory of optimization, stochastic differential equations, computer modelling of stochastic processes, computer simulation.Worked as researcher of computer geometry in Moscow Space Research Institute, in Moscow Machine Tools and Instruments Institute, in Aizu University in Japan. Faculty member of the Department of Mathematics and Mechanics MSU.

From the publisher

Could the Czars read Arabic?

Why then the armour of Russian warlords of XIV-XVI centuries was all covered with Arabic inscriptions from Quran they could not possibly read? Or could they? Russian Czars Alexander Nevsky and Ivan the Terrible wore helmets with Arabic inscriptions.

Were the thousands of helmets, swords, sabers, shields, armour with Arabic inscriptions kept in Armoury of Kremlin the rich spoils of war with Arabs, Turks, or the souvenirs of their ambassadors to Russian Czars?

No, they are neither the spoils of war of victorious Russian Horde troops nor the presents from subjugated kingdoms and princes. They all are were made in Russia by Russian craftsmen of XIV-XVII centuries.

According to Dr. Fomenko et al, Russia was in XIII-XVI centuries a trilingual state with Russian, Arabic and Turkic as three official languages. Letters considered Arabic nowadays were used for transcribing Russian words.

Russia, Europe, Turkey, and Persia had been part of the same Great = “Mongolian” Empire in XIII-XVI centuries until the very end of the XVII century, when it disintegrated during the Great Strife.

Who and why invented Antiquity and Dark Ages and deleted the Empire that span over Eurasia?

The consensual world history was manufactured in Europe in XVI-XIX centuries with political agenda of powers of that period on the basis of erroneous clerical chronology elaborated by Jesuits Joseph Justus Scaliger and Dionysius Petavius.

- By the middle of XVI century the prime political agenda of Europe that reached superiority in Sciences and Technologies, but was still inferior militarily to the Evil Empire of Eurasia, was to free Europe.

- The concerted effort of European aristocracy, black and white Catholic clergy, Protestants, humanists and scientists in XV-XVII centuries in creation and dissemination of fictional Ancient World served this agenda.

- The fictional Ancient World was created by representing events of XI-XVI centuries as ones that happened thousands of years before according to the ancient sources they wrote by authorities they invented.

- The European aristocracy, a considerable part of which were fugitives from Byzantine and/or the inheritors of Eurasian warlords, supported the myth of Ancient World to justify its claims to countries they ruled.

- The black and white Catholic clergy, Protestants developed and supported the myth of Ancient World to justify their claims of being more ancient and to separate themselves from Eurasian orthodoxy in the countries ruled by European aristocracy.

- The scientists supported the myth of Ancient World as safe cover for their heretic research that produced results contrarian to the tenets of Christianity. They justified their discoveries by authorities of ancient scientists they themselves invented and used as pseudonyms.

- The humanists developed and supported the myth of Ancient World as a cozy safe haven for their ideas that conflicted with Christianity and aristocracy. They disguised and justified their ideas on authorities of ancient authors of their own making and wrote under their glorious aliases.

Prescient Saint Augustine warned: “Be wary of mathematicians, particularly when they speak the truth!”

Dr. Anatoly Fomenko is a Full Member (Academician) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Full Member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences, Full Member of the International Higher Education Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Physics and Mathematics, Professor, Head of the Moscow State University Department of Mathematics and Mechanics. Solved the classical Plateau’s Problem from the theory of minimal spectral surfaces. Author of 210 scientific publications, 26 monographs, and textbooks on mathematics, a specialist in geometry and topology.

Franck Tamdhu

11 September 2017

History is a pack of lies about events that never happened

told by people who weren’t there.

George Santayana,

American philosopher

(1863-1952)

Be wary of mathematiciens, particularly when they speak the truth.

St. Augustine

History repeats itself; that’s one of the things that’s wrong with history.

Clarence Darrow

Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the present controls the past.

George Orwell, 1984

1.

Arabic inscriptions upon Russian weapons

1.1. Why would Nikita Davydov, a Russian craftsman, decorate the royal helmet with Arabic inscriptions?

The mediaeval weapons decorated by Arabic inscriptions are considered Oriental without a shadow of a doubt nowadays; this implies a Middle Eastern origin (Turkish or Persian, and definitely Islamic). Apparently, it is presumed that if a steel blade of a weapon had a phrase from the Koran inscribed upon it, it must have been made by a Muslim craftsman from the Islamic East, where the Arabic cultural tradition had existed for centuries on end. Russian craftsmen are presumed to have been ignorant and inferior in general, and the possibility that they may have known Arabic and written in this language is not even considered by the modern historians. The very spirit of Scaligerian and Millerian history implies that by the XVI century there had already been a long tradition of mutual animosity between the Orthodox Russia and the Muslim Turkey and Persia. Cultural and religious traditions are said to have been radically different and even hostile to one another from the very beginning.

However, according to our reconstruction, Russia, Turkey and Persia had been part of the same Great = “Mongolian” Empire until the very end of the XVI century. Therefore, the cultural traditions of these countries must have had a great many common elements – in particular, similar methods of forging and decorating weapons. Despite the religious schism between the Orthodox Christianity and Islam that started in the XV century, traditions of the state and the military had still remained similar in the XVI-XVII century.

There are many facts to prove the above, some of them very illustrative indeed, the Romanovian purge of the Russian history notwithstanding. It turns out that Russian craftsmen had still decorated weapons (even royal weapons) with Arabic inscriptions up until the middle of the XVII century, which had already been the Romanovian epoch. They must have received explicit forbidding instructions at some point in the second half of the XVII century. There have been no Arabic symbols anywhere on the Russian weapons since then – some of them may have been destroyed; however, the royal weapons that were covered in gold, diamonds and other gems, and also forged by the best court craftsmen, survived – apparently, due to its high material value. However, most of the “Russo-Arabic” weapons were removed from public sight (see Annex 2 to Chron7). Nowadays some of the “dangerous” weapons are exhibited in museums, with photographs published et al; still, one has to have a very keen attention in order to notice Arabic inscriptions upon Russian weapons. Museum plaques usually tell us nothing about these “oddities”, and the articles are often exhibited in such a way that the Arab inscriptions can’t be seen very well. Y. Yeliseyev pointed them out to us for the first time.

Let us turn to the fundamental publication entitled The State Armoury ([187]); it contains photographs and descriptions of the valuable objects stored in the State Armoury of the Muscovite Kremlin.

For instance, the so-called “Jericho Hat”, which is a ceremonial helmet worn by the Muscovite Czars and made of Damascus steel can be seen in fig. 13.1 ([187], page 162). In Chapter 5 of Chron6 we give a detailed account of the helmet’s origins, as well as the reason it has got a Biblical name. Let us now consider the actual helmet more attentively.

Fig. 13.1. Ceremonial Russian helmet of damask, or the so-called “Jericho hat” that had belonged to the Russian Czar Alexei Mikhailovich. Kept in the Armaments Chamber of the Muscovite Kremlin. Made by Nikita Davydov, a Russian craftsman born in Murom ([187], page 163). Steel, gold, gemstones, pearls, engraving, enamel. Nikita Davydov put Arabic lettering around the top of the helmet. It turns out that Orthodox Russians were very prone to decorating their armaments with Arabic inscriptions. It is therefore incorrect to assume that Arabic lettering on mediaeval weapons testify to the Oriental origins of the latter – it is most likely that the weapons in question were forged in Russia. Taken from [187], page 162.

“The steel surface of the helmet is well-polished and covered by a very fine golden inlaid pattern. Apart from that, the helmet is decorated with a variety of gemstones – diamonds, rubies and emeralds” ([662], page 173). It is known that the Jericho Hat was decorated with the gems and the inlaid pattern in 1621 – already in the Romanovian epoch, that is. It was made by Nikita Davydov from Murom – a Russian craftsman (the leading craftsman of the Armoury; see [187], page 163).

The golden inlay pattern is distinctly shaped as the royal crown with the eight-pointed Orthodox cross. On the front part of the helmet we see an enamel depicting Archangel Michael; the top of the helmet is encircled in arabesques (see fig. 13.2), or framed Arabic inscriptions. The arabesque we can see on the photograph reads “Va bashir al-mouminin”, or “Make the believers rejoice” (translated from Arabic by T. G. Cherniyenko). It is a common phrase from the Koran. Thus, Nikita Davydov used the same kind of golden inlay for the Orthodox symbols and the Arabic quotations from the Koran! One must also note the utter absence of Slavic inscriptions on this helmet; Nikita Davydov, a Russian craftsman, had only left Arabic inscriptions on this masterpiece.

Fig. 13.2. A fragment of the “Jericho hat.” The same golden engraving is used for the royal crown with the Orthodox octagonal cross as well as the Arabic lettering that reads as “make the faithful rejoice.” See the top of the helmet on the photograph. Taken from [187], page 162.

One must say that the photograph of the Jericho Hat as given in the luxurious album ([187]) was made in a very “politically correct” manner. Most of the arabesque is rendered all but invisible by a spot of reflected light; the next arabesque is in the shade, and therefore altogether illegible. The Arabic inscriptions on the Russian helmet are therefore very hard to notice; the commentary doesn’t mention them anywhere at all. However, since they have already been noticed, it is easy enough to read them – the abovementioned arabesque was read and translated by T. G. Cherniyenko, a specialist in Arabic. The meaning of the other arabesques, which encircle the top part of the helmet, remains unknown.

Another such example from the very State Armoury is the knife of Prince Andrei Staritskiy, son of Ivan III (see fig. 13.3). It was made by Russian craftsmen in the early XVI century ([187], pages 150-151). The knife is signed in Russian; the legend says “Prince Ondrei Ivanovich, year of 7021” – the dating translates as 1513.

Fig. 13.3. Damask knife of Prince Andrei Staritskiy, son of Ivan III. Made by the Russian craftsmen in the early XVI century. Covered in Arabic lettering. It is also decorated by a Russian inscription reading as “Prince Ondrei Ivanovich, year of 7021” (or 1513 A.D.) Taken from [187], pages 150-151.

However, the blade of this knife is also decorated by an Arabic inscription, set in the same canonical Arab script as we find on virtually every “oriental” weapon (see fig. 13.4). T. G. Cherniyenko proved unable to read the inscription, since it doesn’t contain any diacritic signs; their absence makes every letter readable in a variety of ways, and a text transcribed in this manner can only be interpreted if its approximate content is already known; otherwise there are too many interpretation versions to go through.

Fig. 13.4. Close-in of a fragment of the Arabic lettering on the knife of Andrei Staritskiy, a Russian prince. Taken from [187], pages 150-151.

Nevertheless, the disposition of letters and the use of their different forms (which depend on whether the letter is in the beginning, the middle or the end of the word in Arabic) implies that the inscription has an actual meaning and isn’t a mere “decorative pattern of Arabic letters emulating Oriental writing”, as the comments are telling us ([187], page 151). The authors of the commentary had clearly wanted to keep the readers from thinking that the Russian craftsmen of the XVI century had made a knife with an Arabic inscription as a present for the son of Ivan III. This method of declaring “embarrassing” inscriptions “illegible” is used by historians quite often, and known to us very well. It usually conceals utter reluctance to read inscriptions that contradict the Scaligerian and Romanovian version of history. We discuss this at length in Chron5.

A propos, since the inscription on the knife of Andrei Staritskiy remains illegible, one cannot be certain about the fact that it is in Arabic. The kind of writing considered Arabic nowadays had also been used in other languages – Turkish and Persian, for example. Could it have been common for the Russian language as well in the epoch of the XIV-XVI century?

It turns out that the weapons with Arabic inscriptions had also been made in other countries than Turkey – possible, in even greater amounts. We have just seen that the Orthodox Russians had kept the custom of decorating their weapons with Arabic writings up until the middle of the XVII century. We also find Arabic inscriptions on the sabre of Prince Mstislavskiy, the military commander of Ivan the Terrible ([187], page 207). One of the inscriptions translates as “Will serve in battle as strong defence”; we also find the name of the owner written in Russian ([187], page 207).

Another thing that we notice instantly is the photograph of the polished plate armour made in 1670 by Grigoriy Vyatkin, “one of the best craftsmen and the best manufacturer of weapons and armour in the second half of the century”, for Czar Alexei Mikhailovich ([187], page 173; see fig. 13.5). The armour is complemented by a helmet; the two had clearly constituted a single ensemble, although the commentary makes no separate reference to the helmet. The inscriptions on the helmet are amazing – they are all in Arabic, and distinctly recognizable as quotations from the Koran. The inscription on the nose guard says, “There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is his prophet.” The bottom of the helmet is decorated by a whole verse from the Koran – Sura 2, 256 (255). All of these inscriptions were translated by T. G. Cherniyenko. They are set in the canonical Arabic script, and their interpretation does not present any problems.

Fig. 13.5. Plate armour forged by the Russian craftsman Grigoriy Vyatkin for Czar Alexei Mikhailovich in 1670. Covered in Arabic lettering. Taken from [187], page 173.

“Oriental” sabres were wielded by Minin and Pozharskiy, famed heroes of the Russian history (the sabres must have really been Russian, but decorated with Arabic inscriptions – see [187], page 151). As we have witnessed during our visit to the State Armoury in June 1998, the inscription on Minin’s sabre isn’t even Arabic – the script is completely unfamiliar. The explanatory plaque suggests the weapon to be of an “Egyptian origin.” In reality, both sabres are most likely to be Russian. A visit to the Armoury revealed a large number of exhibited “Russo-Arabic” weapons. It would be very interesting indeed to take a look at the storage rooms; one gets the idea that most Russian weapons were covered in “Arabic” or “illegible” inscriptions in the Middle Ages. This guess is confirmed by the materials cited in Annex 2 of Chron7.

Why are Russian weapons decorated with Arabic inscriptions presumed to be of a Turkish or Persian origin today? When the artwork is obviously Russian, it is presumed that the inexperienced and ignorant Russian craftsmen were faithfully copying the Oriental and Western European originals mechanically, as artwork, without delving into their real meaning, and used Arabic phrases for adorning the weapons and the armour of the Russian Czars and warlords, who would wear them proudly, unaware of the meaning and paying no attention to the reserved smiles of the enlightened Arabs and the even more enlightened Westerners.

The above is most likely to be incorrect. Most of these Russian weapons with Arabic inscriptions must have been made in the XVI and even the XVII century by Russian craftsmen in the Horde, which had also comprised Ottomania (Atamania). Most of these Russian weapons made in Moscow, Tula, Ural, etc., were declared “Damascene”, “Oriental”, “Western” and so on, which had led to the popular misconception that the Russians had preferred foreign weapons back in the day; domestic weapons had presumably been scarce and of “poor quality”, although it is quite obvious that every strong military power had used weapons of its own. Another forgotten fact is that the mediaeval Damascus is most likely to identify as T-Moscow (the city of Moscow written together with a definitive article).

Russians had also made weapons adorned by Latin inscriptions (at the very least, they had used Romanic characters). Such is, for instance, the precious sabre of Damascus steel made by the Russian craftsman Ilya Prosvit in 1618 ([187], pages 156-157). There is an inscription that runs across the entire blade and uses Romanic characters. Unfortunately, we haven’t managed to read and interpret it, as the photograph in [187] isn’t large enough to make out all the letters (see figs. 13.6 and 13.7).

Fig. 13.6. Precious damask sabre made in 1618 by Ilya Prosvit, a Russian craftsman. The entire blade is covered in lettering that employs Romanic characters. Left part of the photograph. Taken from [187], pages 156-157.

Fig. 13.7. Russian damask sabre of 1618. The Arabic lettering is visible perfectly well. Right part of the photograph. Taken from [187], pages 156-157.

We are usually told that all of these “Oriental” and “Western” weapons were given to the Russian Czars by the Oriental and the Western rulers as presents. We don’t see this to be the case – in the cases related above at least. Certain individual weapons may of course have been received as presents; however, it has to be said that the items a priori known to be presents or souvenirs from the Orient aren’t decorated by any inscriptions at all as a rule, according to the annotations provided by the Armoury (see Annex 2 of Chron7). Alternatively, the inscriptions could be Slavic or Greek. Such is the nature of the precious bow-cover brought from Istanbul by the Russian merchants as a present for Czar Alexei Mikhailovich ([187], page 216; see fig. 13.8), or the royal neckpiece made for the same Czar by the craftsmen of Istanbul in the 1650’s ([187], pages 350-351; see fig. 13.9), or the precious mace (see fig. 13.10) given to Czar Mikhail Fyodorovich as a present by Sultan Murad in 1620 ([187], page 215). In all of the abovementioned cases we see either Greek inscriptions, or none whatsoever.

Fig. 13.8. Precious breastplate brought from Istanbul in 1656 by the Russian tradesmen as a present for Czar Alexei Mikhailovich. Taken from [187], page 216.

Fig. 13.9. Royal necklace made in Istanbul in the 1650’s for Czar Alexei Mikhailovich. Taken from [187], pages 350-351.

Fig. 13.10. Precious mace given to Czar Mikhail Fyodorovich by Sultan Murad as a present in 1630. Taken from [187], page 215.

The historians of today are trying to convince us that the Arabic inscriptions upon old Russian weapons are explained by the fact that said weapons were received by the Russian Czars and warriors as presents from foreigners who wrote and spoke in Arabic. We are beginning to realise that this explanation is the furthest thing from the truth. Moreover, it turns out that the Russian Czars themselves would give weapons with Arabic inscriptions to foreigners as presents. A very illustrative example of the above is as follows. In 1853 Alexander Tereshchenko made a report of the excavations in Saray before the Imperial Academy of Sciences that concerned “the relics of the Desht-Kipchak Kingdom.” This is what he said in his report: “A special chamber known as the armoury contains a number of rare and noteworthy Asian weapons, including a number of sabres received as presents from our monarchs. There are weapons with Tartar, Persian, Arabic and Kufic inscriptions; among them – the blade of a sabre received by one of Djanger’s ancestors from Czar Mikhail Fyodorovich with the following Arabic inscription set in gold: ‘Birakhmeti ilyahi taalya nakhnul melik el azym khan ve emyr kebir Mikhail Fyodorovich mamalike kul velyata Urus’, which translates as ‘We, Mikhail Fyodorovich, Supreme Ruler, Czar and Governor by the Glory of God’ ” ([840], pages 99-100). Mark that the Arabic version of the title of Mikhail Fyodorovich Romanov contains the word “khan.”

Thus, the Russian Czars, including the first Romanovs, had customarily made presents of precious weapons to their own subjects or to foreigners, whereupon they had ordered the craftsmen to make Arabic inscriptions in gold.

The above passages about Arabic inscriptions present upon the Russian weapons don’t only apply to the Armoury of the Kremlin – another example is the museum of Alexandrovskaya Village (the town of Alexandrov nowadays), namely, the weapons and armour of a Russian warrior exhibited in the Raspyatskaya Church (see fig. 13.11). We visited this museum in July 1998. The exhibited objects include a chain mail, a helmet and a shield (see figs. 13.12-13.20).

Fig. 13.11. The Raspyatskaya church and belfry in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda (presently the town of Alexandrov) dating from the XVI century. The building functions as a museum nowadays.

Fig. 13.12. Russian armaments: chain mail, helmet and shield. The helmet and the shield are all covered in Arabic lettering. The museum of the XVI century Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda.

Fig. 13.13. Russian helmet. In the top right part we see an Amazon (a horsewoman with a sabre). Museum of the Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda. Apparently, the Amazons were the Cossack women from Russia (Horde).

Fig. 13.14. Russian helmet. Fragment of the Arabic lettering upon it. Museum of the Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda.

Fig. 13.15. Russian helmet covered in artwork and Arabic lettering. Museum of the Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda.

Fig. 13.16. Russian shield covered in Arabic lettering. Museum of the Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda.

Fig. 13.17. Russian shield covered in Arabic lettering. Museum of the Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda.

Fig. 13.18. Russian shield covered in Arabic lettering. Museum of the Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda.

Fig. 13.19. Russian shield covered in Arabic lettering. Museum of the Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda.

Fig. 13.20. Russian shield covered in Arabic lettering. Museum of the Raspyatskaya church in Alexandrovskaya Sloboda.

The explanatory plaque reports the items in question to be of a Russian origin. Indeed, we see the entire helmet to be covered by artwork depicting fantasy animals, birds and horsemen, very Russian in style and resembling the famous cathedral wall carvings from the Vladimir and Suzdal Russia. The nose-guard of the helmet has got a four-point cross at the end, resembling the dome of a church topped with a cross. All of the above allows us to identify the helmet as a Russian piece of armour without any doubts left about its origins. At the same time, the helm has got an Arabic inscription upon it – a wide stripe that covers the entire perimeter. The explanatory plaque doesn’t say a word about it, and quite naturally doesn’t provide anything in the way of a translation, either. Next to the helmet we see a shield. Once again, there is Arabic writing all over the perimeter. The rest of the surface is covered in artwork that is purely Russian in style. We have taken several photographs of the shield in order to represent as many fragments of the Arabic inscription upon it as possible.

We cannot call the armaments in question Muslim in the modern meaning of the word, seeing as how the Muslim art has apparently had a strict taboo concerning the graphical representations of people and animals ever since the XVIII century. Yet the artwork of this “Russo-Arabic” helmet contains figures of animals and people (also mounted) – if we study fig. 13.12 attentively, we shall see a very clear image of an Amazon – a mounted woman waving a scimitar (above the nose-guard on the right).

Why don’t the museum workers exhibit mediaeval Russian helms with Slavic inscriptions and nothing but? Could it be that there are very few such pieces to be found amidst the “Russo-Arabic” majority? What if the armaments in question had been typical for mediaeval Russia? The items we see must have been very common indeed, yet we find them covered in “Arabic” script (or another one considered “illegible”). This makes the plot thicken even more.

We see the same to be the case in the Moscow museum complex of Kolomenskoye. We have visited the halls of the Front Gate on 23 June 2001 and seen the two Old Russian helmets exhibited there (figs. 13.20a, 13.20b and 13.20c). The inscriptions we find on both of them are exclusively in Arabic; there isn’t a single piece of armour with Slavic lettering in sight. Both museum plaques tell us tersely that Russian craftsmen had copied these helmets from “Oriental originals.” Russians must have been truly wild about all things Oriental, seeing as how they kept on copying them all the time.

Fig. 13.20a. One of the two shields exhibited in the museum of Kolomenskoye in Moscow. According to the explanatory plaque, the helmet was made in Russia; however, the plaque doesn’t say a single word about the Arabic lettering present on the helmet. It is visible well on the photograph (wide strip at the bottom). The photograph was taken by the authors in June 2001.

Fig. 13.20b. Ancient armaments of a Russian warrior in the museum of Kolomenskoye in Moscow. Chain mail, mace, helmet, etc. Photograph taken by the authors in June 2001.

Fig. 13.20c. Close-in of the second Russian helmet in the museum of Kolomenskoye. The lettering on the helmet is non-Cyrillic – possibly, Arabic. It has to be pointed out that there is a distinctly visible swastika on the helmet. Photograph taken by the authors in June 2001.

Thus, most of the inscriptions found upon the Russian mediaeval weapons are rendered in a script presumed to be exclusively Arabic nowadays. If you pay attention to this fact once, you shall find an abundance of similar examples over a very short period of time. This amazing fact does not fit into the consensual Scaligerian and Romanovian version of history; it alone suffices to make it perfectly clear that the history of the pre-Romanovian epoch must have drastically differed from how it is presented to us nowadays.

1.2. The reason why Alexander Nevskiy and Ivan the Terrible wore helmets with Arabic writing. The famous “Arabic conquest of the world” as it happened in reality

We have thus witnessed that the ancient Russian armaments exhibited in modern museums are covered with Arabic writings for the most part. Let us cite another example – the famous helmet of Alexander Nevskiy. We haven’t managed to find it anywhere during our visit to the armoury in 1998 (alternatively, it may identify as the abovementioned “Jericho Hat”). It is also possible that it had been removed from exposition temporarily; however, we do not find it in the famous fundamental album entitled The State Armoury ([187]). We haven’t managed to find it in any of the other accessible albums on the museums and history of the Kremlin in Moscow. We have accidentally come across a drawing of Alexander Nevskiy’s helmet in a rather rare multi-volume edition entitled History of Humanity. Global History ([336], published in Germany and dating from the end of the XIX century). We have then found a photograph of this helmet in the “Russkiy Dom” magazine (issue 7, 2000). We reproduce it in fig. 13.21; it turns out that there’s an Arabic inscription upon the helmet of Alexander Nevskiy (figs. 13.22 and 13.23). The commentary of the German professors is as follows: “Helmet of Great Prince Alexander Nevskiy, made of red copper and decorated with Arabic lettering. Made in Asia and dates from the crusade epoch. Nowadays in the possession of the Kremlin in Moscow” ([336], Volume 5, pages 462-463, reverse of the inset).

Fig. 13.21. Helmet of Alexander Nevskiy (“Jericho hat?”). According to the historians themselves, the lettering on the helmet is Arabic. From a copy of “Antiquités de l’empire Russe, édités par orde de Sa Majesté l’empereur Nicolas I” kept in the public royal library of Dresden, Germany. The photograph that we reproduce here was taken from the cover of the Russkiy Dom magazine, issue 7, 2000. The legend next to the helmet says, “760 years of the Battle of Neva.” A small photograph of this helmet was also reproduced in the article about Alexander Nevskiy. However, historians eventually “recollected” that the helmet in question dates from the epoch of the Muscovite Czars of the XVI-XVII century. See also [336], Volume 5, inset between pages 462 and 463.

Fig. 13.22. Fragment of Alexander Nevskiy’s helmet (“Jericho hat?”) with Arabic lettering.

Fig. 13.23. Close-in of a fragment of Alexander Nevskiy’s helmet.

There is indeed an Arabic inscription at the very top of the helmet, which resembles the “Jericho Hat” of Mikhail Fyodorovich to a great extent (the inlays look silver and not golden in this photograph, though). One might enquire about the possibility of Alexander Nevskiy’s helmet being the very same as the “Jericho Hat” – identified as the former in the XIX century and presumed to be the latter by the historians of today, much to their confusion. Could both options be true simultaneously? We shall be telling more about this hypothesis of ours in Chron6.

Thus, the German historians of the late XIX century, likewise modern Russian historians, suggest the Russian weapons and armour decorated by Arabic inscriptions to have been made somewhere in the Orient, and definitely not in Russia. Russian warriors presumably purchased or received them as presents from the Arabs. Only in a number of cases do learned historians admit that the “Arabic weapons” were forged by the Russian craftsmen, including those working for the State Armoury of Moscow ([187]).

Our reconstruction paints an altogether different picture. Several alphabets had existed in Russia until the XVII century, the one considered Arabic nowadays being one of them. The alphabet considered exclusively Arabic today and associated with the Middle East had also been used for Russian words. Mass production of the ancient Russian weapons could only have taken place in Russia, or the Horde; all the inscriptions found upon these weapons were made by Russian craftsmen who had used Arabic script alongside, or in lieu of, the Cyrillic script that is considered “more Slavic” nowadays.

Modern historians are trying to convince us that the “mediaeval Arabs” all but drowned Russia in Arabic weapons and armour, which would be proudly wielded and word by the Russian soldiers who did not understand the meaning of the sophisticated Arabic inscriptions decorating their weapons, and so they fought and died accompanied by prayers and religious formulae of the “faraway Muslim Orient.” We believe this to be utter nonsense – Russian warriors of that epoch had been perfectly capable of understanding that which was written upon their weapons and armour due to the fact that several alphabets and languages had been used in the pre-XVII century Russia, including the precursor of the modern Arabic.

It would make sense to confront the historians of today with the following issue. The manufacture of “Arabic” weapons in such enormous amounts must have left numerous traces in Arabia, whence they had presumably been imported en masse by the Russians in the Middle Ages. There are none such – we know nothing of any blast furnaces, smelting facilities or large-scale weapon manufacture in the deserts of mediaeval Arabia. The reverse is true for Russia – it suffices to recollect the Ural with its reserves of ore, numerous blast furnaces, weapon manufacturers, etc. We know of many Russian towns and cities that had produced heavy armaments in the XIV-XVI century – Tula and Zlatoust, for instance. Therefore, it is most likely that the weapons decorated by “Arabic” inscriptions were manufactured in mediaeval Russia.

It becomes instantly clear that the famous “Arabic conquest” that had swept over a great many countries in the Middle Ages is but a reflection of the same old Great = “Mongolian” conquest that had made vast territories in Eurasia, Africa and America part of the Russian Empire, also known as the Horde. The word “Arab” might be derived from the word “Horde” (“Orda” in Russian), considering that the Romanic characters for “b” and “d” would often be confused for one another; as we shall demonstrate in Chron5, the orientation of the two letters had still been vague in the Middle Ages, they could easily become reversed. Linguistic considerations of this kind are by no means a proof of anything on their own; however, they do concur with our reconstruction quite well.

As we were “explained” by the staff of the State Armoury in 1998, the “Arabic” blades for the Russian weapons were forged by the Arabs in faraway Spain and Arabia (later also Turkey). However, the handles were all made locally, in Russia. However, the following fact contradicts this “theory” in a very obvious manner. As we mentioned above, the Armoury has got the sabre of F. I. Mstislavskiy, up for exhibition. This is how it is described by the modern historians: “The big sabre had belonged to F. I. Mstislavskiy as well; this is confirmed by the Russian lettering on the back of the blade. The blade is decorated by golden inlays with Arabic lettering; one of the inscriptions translates “Will serve in battle as strong defence” ([187], page 207).

However, the commentary of the learned historians doesn’t give us the full picture – the inscription on the back of the blade is simply mentioned and left at that. We saw this sabre in 1998 – the name of the owner in Russian isn’t a mere engraving; it was cast in metal at the very moment the blade was manufactured, by the smiths who had made it (“Arabs” from the faraway Orient, as we are told today). However, we are of the opinion that the name of Mstislavskiy, the Russian warlord, was set in Russian lettering by Russian craftsmen – the same ones that made the golden inlaid pattern with the Arabic inscription on the blade, in full awareness of its meaning (“Will serve in battle as strong defence”, q.v. above).

Some of these “Arabic” armaments have been made in Turkey, or Ottomania, which had been part of Russia (or the Horde) up until the XVI century.

In fig. 13.24 we see the helmet of Ivan the Terrible kept in the Royal Museum of Stockholm ([331], Volume 1, page 131). It is decorated by inscriptions in two scripts – Cyrillic and Arabic, the latter being of a larger size and situated on top of the Russian lettering.

Fig. 13.24. Helmet of Ivan the Terrible. XVI century. Royal Museum of Stockholm. We see a wide strip with Arabic lettering, with a narrower strip with Russian lettering underneath. Taken from [331], Volume 1, page 131.

It is unclear why the representatives of historical science cite the entire Russian inscription in [331] as they tell us about the helmet of Ivan the Terrible, but withhold from citing its neighbour set in Arabic script.

In Chron7, Annex 2 we cite a number of exclusive materials, namely, the inventory of the ancient Russian weapons stored in the State Armoury of the Kremlin in Moscow. This inventory demonstrates that the inscriptions found upon Russian weapons and considered Arabic today are typical and not a mere number of rare exceptions.

2.

Arabic text upon the Russian mitre of Princes Mstislavskiy

The Troitse-Sergiyev Monastery in the town of Sergiyev Posad (Zagorsk) houses the museum of the Old Russian decorative art. Among the items exhibited in the museum we find the “Mitre fating from 1626. Gold, silver, gemstones and pearls; enamel, inlay patterns, engraving. Donated by the Princes Mstislavskiy” (see fig. 13.25).

Fig. 13.25. Mitre of 1626. A donation made by the Russian princes of Mstislavskiy. We see a large gemstone in front with Arabic lettering carved upon it. Taken from [809].

A photograph of the mitre can be found in the album compiled by L. M. Spirina and entitled The Treasures of the State Museum of Art and History in Sergiyev Posad ([809]).

We visited this museum in 1997 and discovered an interesting fact. There is a large red gem in the front part of the mitre, right over the golden cross. This gemstone has an Arabic inscription carved into it; this inscription is rather hard to notice, since one has to look at the mitre from a certain angle – otherwise it is rendered invisible by the shining of the stone. We asked the guide about the Arabic lettering as soon as we noticed it. The guide confirmed the existence of an Arabic inscription carved into the stone; however, nobody in the museum knew anything about the possible translation.

Once again we encounter Arabic script upon an Old Russian artefact. The fact that the inscription in question is in the front of the mitre, right over the cross, or on the very forehead of whoever had worn the mitre, clearly testifies to the fact that the inscription is anything but arbitrary, and must have had an explicit meaning in the epoch of the mitre’s creation.

Let us cite the famous “Kazan Hat” as another example of the fact that the so-called “Oriental” style is really the mediaeval Russian style originating from the very heart of the Russian Empire, formerly known as the Horde. It is a luxurious royal headpiece that looks “distinctly Oriental”; however, it had been made for Ivan the Terrible by Muscovite craftsmen (see fig. 13.26).

Fig. 13.26. The Kazan Hat (ceremonial headdress of Ivan the Terrible). Armaments Chamber, Moscow. Presumed to be made in Russia “with the assistance of Oriental craftsmen” ([187], pages 386-387). The presumption about the participation of the “Oriental craftsmen” stems from the fact that the modern commentators fail to understand that the “Oriental style” is simply the old Russian style of the XV-XVI century. Its origins are purely Russian; it wound up in the Orient during the Great = “Mongolian” conquest of the XIV-XV century. Taken from [187], page 346.

3.

The word “Allah” as used by the Russian Church in the XVI and even the XVII century, alongside the quotations from the Koran

3.1. The Voyage beyond the Three Seas by Afanasiy Nikitin

We have already pointed out the fact that many Russian weapons, as well as the ceremonial attire of the Russian Czars and even the mediaeval mitre of a Russian bishop are all adorned by Arabic inscriptions, some of which can be identified as passages from the Koran (see Chron4, Chapters 13:1-2). This should doubtlessly indicate that the pre-XVII century history of the Russian Church is known to us rather badly, and likely to be seriously distorted. The Romanovs must have done their best to conceal the former proximity (or even unity) of the Orthodox faith and Islam in the epoch of the XIV-XVI century. Below we shall provide even more examples testifying to this fact.

Let us turn to the famous oeuvre of Afanasiy Nikitin entitled The Voyage beyond the Three Seas ([929]). It is known to have been “found by N. M. Karamzin in the library of the Troitse-Sergiyev monastery as part of a XVI century almanac of chronicles that he called ‘The Troitskaya Chronicle’” ([929], page 131). Several other copies have been found since then; there are six of them known to date. The Troitskiy copy is considered the oldest; we shall be referring to this very copy, which was found in the library of the most important monastery in Russian history.

Let us just cite some of the most illustrative passages. The text begins with the words: “Lord Jesus Christ, have mercy upon thy humble subject, Afanasiy Nikitin, and may all the saints pray for me” ([929], page 9). The text was therefore written by the representative of the Orthodox faith. The Voyage is written in Russian for the most part; however, Afanasiy Nikitin occasionally lapses into Turkic or Arabic with apparent ease, and then continues in Russian just as effortlessly. Obviously, the author and his intended audience had been multi-lingual. However, the most important thing is that the Turkic, or Arabic, language is used by Afanasiy Nikitin in Orthodox Russian prayers – or Orthodox-Islamic ones, odd as the formula might strike us nowadays.

“The entire populace of India has the custom of congregating at the butkhan … the numbers of people azar lek vakht bashet sat azare lek. There is a large effigy of But [Buddha] at the butkhan, carved in stone and resembling Justinian of Czar-Grad with a spear in his hand” ([929], page 18).

Nikitin’s text contains a passage in Persian (“azar lek vakht bashet sat azare lek”), which translates as “the numbers of people amounting to a thousand leks, and sometimes to hundreds of thousands” ([929], page 177). There are no obvious reasons why Nikitin should use Persian here – he is neither quoting, nor trying to convey the local spirit in this manner. He merely tells us of his impressions, occasionally lapsing into Persian (yet using Cyrillic characters for the transcription of the Persian words).

By the way, the fact that the statue of Buddha should wield a spear and resemble the effigy of Justinian, the Byzantine emperor leads us to the theory that the Indian “Buddha cult” had partially incorporated the cult of Batu-Khan, the great conqueror, hence the use of the word butkhan (Batu-Khan).

Another Arabic passage is as follows:

“On Mondays they eat once a day. In India kak pachektur, a uchuze-der: sikish ilarsen iki shithel; akechany illa atyrsenyatle zhetel ber; bulara dostor: a kul karavash uchuz char funa hub bem funa khubesia; kapkara am chuk kichi khosh. Then I left Parvati and went to Beder” ([929], page 19).

Yet another example is one of the numerous prayers wherein Afanasiy Nikitin uses Turkic, Persian or Arabic alongside the Russian language:

“Lord Almighty, the creator of Heaven and the Earth! Do not turn thy face away from thy slave, for sorrows ensnare me. Oh Lord, turn thy eye towards me and have mercy upon me, for I am thy creature; do not let me astray, oh Lord, and lead me to thy path of righteousness, even though there is little virtue left in me in this time of need, and I wallow in ways of evil all these days, oh Lord Allah, karim Allah, rahym Allah, Karim Allah, rahymelloh; Akhalim dulimo. I have spent 4 Great Days in the land of the basurmans [non-believers, those of a different faith – Transl.], yet I remain true to the Christian faith; Lord only knows what may happen next” ([929], page 24).

Nikitin lapses into Turkic and Arabo-Persian in the middle of his prayer, using “Allah” instead of “God,” etc.

It may be suggested that Afanasiy Nikitin had used foreign languages in order to relate foreign realities; however, even the examples cited above demonstrate this to be untrue. Nikitin writes about foreign lands in Russian for the most part; however, whenever he recollects Russia, he begins to write in Turkic or Arabic. It suffices to recollect his prayer for Russia – Nikitin gives us a long list of the wonders that he had seen in different lands, and concludes it with fond memories of Russia (Urus) and a prayer for the Russian land. He switches to Turkic from the very start:

“The land of Podolsk is abundant and rich; a Urus erye tangry saklasyn; Allah sakla, khudo sakla, budonyada munukibit er ektur; nechik Urus yeri beglyari akai tusil; Urus yer abadan bolsyn; raste kam deret. Allah, Khudo, Bog dangry” ([929], page 25).

The prayer translates as follows: “May the Lord protect the Russian land; great Lord! There is no other land like it in the whole world… ” ([929], page 189).

This is where the patience of the modern commentators reaches its end. They feel that the readers are entitled to an “explanation”, and begin to extricate themselves in the following clumsy manner:

“The prayer of Afanasiy Nikitin expresses his love for Russia, his motherland, and simultaneously – his critical disposition towards its political regime, which had led the author to using Turkic instead of Russian in his prayer” ([929], page 189).

One wonders about the relation between this “scientific explanation” and the fact that the word God is transcribed as Allah in Nikitin’s text? We are of the opinion that it doesn’t exist. We have seen Nikitin switch to Turkic, Persian and Arabic often and with apparent ease, in prayers as well as elsewhere. The number of such passages is so great that we have no opportunity of quoting them all presently.

In general, it has to be said that Nikitin’s book irritates modern historians in a great many instances – they adhere to the odd opinion that their knowledge of mediaeval history prevails over the evidence of Afanasiy Nikitin, a contemporary and an eyewitness of the events he relates. Hence the numerous criticisms of the author.

Afanasiy Nikitin writes a lot about Buddhism and the “But cult.” Modern commentary is as follows:

“It is impossible that the word ‘But’ should stand for ‘Buddha’; it is common knowledge that … Buddhism had been completely vanquished in India between the VIII and the XI century A.D. Nikitin could neither have found any Buddhists, nor any traces of the Buddhist cult, anywhere in the XV century India” ([929], page 176).

Therefore, Nikitin had meant “something entirely different.” It is presumed that his narrative should not be interpreted literally, but rather in the unnatural and convoluted manner insisted upon by the modern historians.

Another example is as follows. This is what Nikitin tells us about the natives of India:

“I have asked them all I could about their faith; they told me that they believed in Adam and that Buty was Adam and all of his kin” ([929], pages 17 and 60).

Therefore, Afanasiy Nikitin gives us direct indications that the Buddhist religion is related to its European counterparts, since it had also recognized Adam as the ancestor of all humankind.

The commentary of a modern historian is as follows:

“The words of Afanasiy Nikitin … appear to be based upon the misinterpreted … words of the Hindus, who hadn’t had anything resembling the cult of Adam” ([929], page 176).

Once again, Nikitin is blamed for misunderstanding the natives, whereas the historians of today know everything for certain several hundred years later, correcting the XV century eyewitness as they see fit. Had they been present to help him with the interpretation of what he saw with his own eyes!

One must also note that Afanasiy Nikitin does not use the name Jerusalem in its modern meaning. Nowadays we are accustomed to use the word for referring to a single city; however, Afanasiy Nikitin is certain that “Jerusalem” translates as “the main holy city”; different religions (or nations) had Jerusalems of their own. This is what he writes:

“They make a pilgrimage to their But [Buddha – Auth.] in Pervot every Great Lent; it is their Jerusalem, called Mecca by the basurmans and Ierusalim by the Russians [Russ-Rim, or “The Russian Rome” – Auth.]. In India it is called Parvat [possibly, a derivative of the Slavic word “perviy” – “the first”, “the most important,” etc. – Auth.]” ([929], page 19).

Nikitin reports a very interesting thing. Apparently, Jerusalem and Mecca had not been the names of actual geographic locations, but rather words of different languages meaning the same thing, namely, the city housing the primary halidom of the religion in question, or the ecclesiastical capital of a given country. Every country would naturally have a capital of its own; these capitals would be transferred to other places over the course of time.

A propos, this must be the reason why Moscow was known as Jerusalem (or Russian Rome) at the end of the XVI century (bear in mind the frequent flexion of the sounds L and R). This is how Moscow was called in the Bible (books of Ezra and Nehemiah) – directly, and not as an allegory of any sort. We discuss this at length in Chron6.

Nikitin concludes his book with a lengthy passage in Turkic and Arabic ([929], pages 31-32; see a photograph of this page in fig. 13.27). He uses several phrases from the Koran in this passage, such as “Isa ruhollo” = “Isa Rukh Allah”, or “Jesus, the Spirit of Allah.” This is how the Koran refers to Jesus Christ ([929], page 205). All of the above is at odds with the Scaligerian and Millerian version of the Russian history, yet concurs perfectly well with our reconstruction.

Fig. 13.27. Page from the book of Afanasiy Nikitin (from the Troitskiy copy) with the final fragment of his book in Turkic. Taken from [929], inset between pages 18 and 19.

Our opponents might claim Nikitin’s text to be distorted, and the Turkic passages inserted by a later editor. However, one wonders why it would be kept in the library of the Troitse-Sergiyev monastery in this case; also, there are examples of Russian and Arabic phrases mixed in ecclesiastical texts of the Orthodox Church. Let us cite the following example using materials of guaranteed authenticity as proof.

3.2. Authentic Old Russian attire dating from the XVII century and decorated with lettering in three scripts – Cyrillic, Arabic and a “mystery script” that defies interpretation today

As we mentioned above, the excavations of 1942 conducted in the Voskresenskiy monastery of Ouglich resulted in the finding of a sarcophagus that contained the remains of the monk Simeon Oulianov. The coffin dates from the XVII century. The 400-year-old burial site in question is unique: the remains of the monk are in excellent condition, and his attire likewise. The finding was sent to the central city of that Region – Yaroslavl. The reasons for such excellent preservation of human remains and clothes were researched by the medics of Yaroslavl. The coffin was returned to Ouglich recently; nowadays, the monastic attire of Simeon Oulianov is exhibited in the Museum of Ouglich – the so-called Tower of Prince Dmitriy (see fig. 13.28). The actual sarcophagus and the museum plaque with the information about the burial site can be seen in figs. 13.29 and 13.30.

Fig. 13.28. The monastic robes of Simeon Oulianov exhibited in the museum of “Prince Dmitriy’s Chambers” in Ouglich. XVII century. Exhumed in 1942. Photograph taken in 2000.

Fig. 13.29. The sarcophagus of Simeon Oulianov exhibited in the museum of “Prince Dmitriy’s Chambers” in Ouglich. Photograph taken in 2000.

Fig. 13.30. Explanatory plaque next to the sarcophagus of Simeon Oulianov exhibited in the museum of “Prince Dmitriy’s Chambers” in Ouglich. Taken from a video recording of 1999.

Figs. 13.31, 13.32, 13.33, 13.34, 13.35 and 13.36 reproduce the artwork and the lettering found upon Russian monastic attire of the XVII century; we must emphasise the issue of the finding’s authenticity. This makes it radically different from most of the artefacts exhibited in the museums of the capital cities. There are several reasons why – firstly, many of the XVI-XVII century originals have been destroyed in the meticulous and relentless selection of the last 300 years conducted by the representatives of the so-called “historical science.” Secondly, many of the originals have already disintegrated naturally. As for the present case, we have the unprecedented luck of studying a recently excavated original in a good condition; moreover, it had remained underground for three centuries, and was therefore fortunate enough to survive the Romanovian pogroms. It is also fortunate enough to have been treated by medics and not historians.

Fig. 13.31. Top part of the monastic robes of Simeon Oulianov. XVII century. Taken from a video recording of 1999.

Fig. 13.32. Fragment of the monastic robes of Simeon Oulianov. XVII century. Taken from a video recording of 1999.

Fig. 13.33. Fragment of the monastic robes of Simeon Oulianov. XVII century. Taken from a video recording of 1999.

Fig. 13.34. Fragment of the monastic robes of Simeon Oulianov. XVII century. Taken from a video recording of 1999.

Fig. 13.35. Fragment of the monastic robes of Simeon Oulianov. XVII century. Taken from a video recording of 1999.

Fig. 13.36. Fragment of the monastic robes of Simeon Oulianov. XVII century. Taken from a video recording of 1999.

What do we see on the attire? It turns out that the words of the canonical prayers in Church Slavonic are mixed with words that we cannot seem to understand or interpret. The situation is similar to what we see in Nikitin’s book. If we consider the three lowest lines of the inscription in fig. 13.35, we shall see that the first one can be easily read as “krestu tvoe[mu]” (“to thy cross”). The last line isn’t hard to interpret, either – it says “vkresenie” – obviously “voskresenie” (“resurrection”). All of these words are obviously Slavic, and written in Cyrillics. However, the line in between is already impossible to understand, despite the fact that it is also set in Cyrillic script, and every letter is visible. It reads as PKLAEKOTR; this might be a Slavic word or phrase in theory, but we consider this highly unlikely.

As for the lettering we see above the cross and on its sides, we already find it impossible to interpret the words as those of a Slavic language. Apart from that, the top line that one sees in fig. 13.32 obviously says “Ala ala” – “Allah, Allah” instead of “O Lord”, in other words. The vertical line to the left of the cross also contains the word “Ala”, apparently used in lieu of the Slavic word for God (“Bog”). See figs. 13.33, 13.34 and 13.37; the phrase goes from the bottom up.

Fig. 13.37. Fragment of the monastic robes of Simeon Oulianov. XVII century. Photograph taken in 2000.

Let us turn to the lettering around the collar of the monastic attire in question. It reads as “topomilu … pomilu” (the middle of the lettering is on the back of the attire, and therefore cannot be seen). The letters M and I comprise a single letter. The phrase obviously reads as “Gospodi pomilui, Gospodi pomilui”, a standard formula of the Orthodox Church (“Lord have mercy” repeated twice). However, the word for “Lord” (“Gospodi”) is replaced by the word “To”. Apparently, we are confronted by yet another forgotten Orthodox word for “God” that was used in the XVII century.

Thus, whenever the modern albums and museum catalogues tell us about the artefacts of the XVI-XVII century, they appear to be completely at odds with what we learn about the objects dating from the very same epoch and discovered under circumstances that curb the power of historical censorship in one way or another, amazingly enough. We are confronted with a very odd picture; however, it is easily explainable within the paradigm of the New Chronology.

A. T. Fomenko and T. N. Fomenko visited the Ouglich Citadel in August 2001 – in particular, the so-called Palace (or Tower) of Prince Dimitriy. The abovementioned XVII century sarcophagus is exhibited here, wherein the remains of the monk, his attire and his “rosary” were found. We wanted to make better photographs of the lettering upon the less accessible parts of the attire.

We have enquired with the staff of the Ouglich Citadel Museum and found out that the sarcophagus also contained a scroll and an ordination. The former was of parchment, found by the side of the monk; the latter, of paper, and found upon his chest. The ordination is rather short, unlike the lengthy scroll. The former is written in the XVII century shorthand; the latter is in a Cyrillic script. None of this is mentioned on any plaque anywhere in the museum. No known publications concerning Ouglich and its historical past mention any scrolls at all. We have naturally asked about the content of both documents. The representatives of the museum’s scientific research department replied rather vaguely that these documents “probably contained the monk’s biography.” The scroll was old-fashioned – vertical and not horizontal (see more about it in Chron6, Chapter 2:2.2, where we demonstrate that the old scrolls were written in such a manner that one could read the consecutive short horizontal lines from top to bottom while unrolling the scroll, from the beginning to the very end). Such scrolls were held vertically; their bottom ends would be gradually unrolled. The scroll found from the sarcophagus of the monk Oulianov had belonged to this very type.

It appears that an authentic Russian document of the XVII century has survived until the present day. We wanted to see both documents, or, at the very least, their drawn or photographic copies; however, the research department told us (in 2001) that none of the above was kept in the Ouglich Citadel anymore. The materials are said to have been handed over to the Ouglich branch of the Yaroslavl Archive; however, when we addressed the Archive in 2002, we were told that the originals had never been there. Moreover, the archive had presumably lacked so much as a copy of the materials in question. There had been a single photocopy kept in the Svyato-Voskresenskiy monastery of Ouglich, where the sarcophagus was discovered in the first place. We shall do our best to study the photocopy in question and report the results in the publications to follow; however, we have been informed that the photocopy “did not reproduce the original well.”

At the same time, the archive staff reported that both documents had still been kept in the museum of the Citadel. The archive redirects all enquiries to the museum and vice versa; the situation is a complete stalemate. We never got a chance of studying these materials. Actually, the archive reports that the museum had initially “lost” the scroll, but then “fortunately recovered” it.

Actually, the staff of the Ouglich archive told us in 2002 that the back of the attire is also decorated by an inscription of some sort, with a large picture of the Golgotha at the centre. Despite the good visibility of the letters, the text defies interpretation (likewise the “inscription in front”), and is considered to be “secret writing.” There are no copies of this inscription, either. Furthermore, at the moment the sarcophagus was found, the remains of the monk were dressed in yet another ceremonial clothing article that covered the abovementioned monastic attire; however, it is said to have disappeared without a trace, and no details are known about it.

Moreover, as we discovered in 2001, the actual staff members of the Ouglich museum were not present at the study of the scrolls – they report having attended the text interpretation sessions “episodically.” The main body of work was performed by the specialists from the Moscow Institute of History and Archives. Despite the fact that the text is allegedly of an Old Russian origin, it had still required “interpretation.” As for the results of said interpretation, they remain unknown to the museum staff, as they confess themselves. Ouglich archive reports nescience as well. There isn’t a single trace of this research left anywhere in the Ouglich museum, the city archive or the monastery; apparently, a large part of the materials in question has been taken to Moscow.

We have thus neither managed to study the documents, nor any copy thereof, nor even the results of their interpretation. The lettering found upon the attire (which is in poor correspondence with the Scaligerian and Millerian version of history) leads us to the natural thought that the scrolls may have contained “illegible parts” as well, possibly rendered in a script that cannot be read nowadays.

At any rate, it remains completely unclear just why the official exposition of the finding has never informed us about the fact that the sarcophagus had contained scrolls with the monk’s biography. Why weren’t the actual scrolls up for exposition, or at least their photographs, as well as their close-ins, drawn copies of the text and its translation? After all, many of the museum’s visitors would be interested in seeing authentic XVII century artefacts.

We would very much like to make a general observation in this respect. Our many years of experience in communicating with museum workers have made us notice a rather odd effect. One knows where one stands for as long as one listens to their commentary meekly. Neutral questions (about the fabric of the attire and so on) usually lead to polite and informative answers. However, any question that concerns the foundations of chronology in one way or another (the century a given finding dates from, and especially documents or other evidence that the dating is based on) might change the situation radically. Questions that go beyond the standard museum discourse (such as why the Russian weapons are decorated with lettering in a script that is considered exclusively Arabic nowadays, q.v. in Chron4, Chapter 13:1) are answered with the utmost reluctance as a rule, and very tersely at that. Museum workers claim nescience, lack of a personal interest, or refer to senior members of their hierarchy.

“Inquisitive” enquiries lead to tension and irritation; persistence often results in an aggressive reaction – notwithstanding the fact that the historical events in question pertain to a faraway epoch and seem unlikely to stir emotion in so profound a manner. One inadvertently gets the impression that the true archaeological history of the Middle Ages (be it that of Russia or the Western Europe) has been made classified information unofficially – the only version we have the right of knowing is the consensual history of Scaliger and Miller. Could it be that the museum workers are implicitly urged to stifle the public interest in the history and chronology of the antiquities exhibited in museums once it crosses a certain threshold?

4.

Occasional use of Arabic script in Russian texts in the relatively recent epoch of the XVII century. Travel diaries of Paul of Aleppo

Let us cite a very representative episode from the history of the XVII century, which clearly demonstrates that Russian texts had still been written in a variety of alphabets in that epoch.

There is a very curious historical document that dates from 1656 – the travel diaries “kept by Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo, a talented ecclesiastical writer of the middle of the XVII century, who had accompanied his father, Macarios III, Patriarch of Antiochia, on every voyage. In 1656 the Patriarch made his first visit to Russia and visited Moscow … He accepted the invitation of Czar Alexei Mikhailovich to visit the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery, a particular favourite of the monarch” ([422], page 94).

Paul of Aleppo had kept a regular diary – a detailed account of the Patriarch’s voyage, as it were. This may have been prescribed by the rules of the Patriarchy back in the day – writing down as many details of the official visits made by the top members of the clergy as possible. The records that have survived until are day are considered to be very important evidence of historical events dating from the epoch of Alexei Mikhailovich. Large fragments of Paul’s text are quoted in [422]; one can clearly see that his diaries had been voluminous and contained a large number of details.

One may well wonder about the language the diaries were written in. Any contemporary of ours raised on Scaligerian and Millerian chronology would consider it perfectly obvious that the Orthodox Paul of Aleppo, the son of the Orthodox Antiochian Patriarch, should write his report of a visit to the Orthodox Czar Alexei Mikhailovich in Russian or in Greek – another possibility is Latin; however, this should already strike one as odd. However, we learn that the diaries in question were written in Arabic, no less. Historians tell us the following: “The complete handwritten Arabic text of these diaries … was published by the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery in 1898 and entitled ‘The Russian Voyage of Macarios, Patriarch of Antiochia, Undertaken in the Middle of the XVII Century’” ([422], page 95).

However, the diaries shall amaze us even more. It turns out that the Orthodox author of a document that dates from the XVII century easily shifts between Arabic and Russian, and uses the Arabic alphabet for transcribing the Russian part of the text to boot. This is what we learn from a XIX century comment to the recorded conversation with Czar Alexei Mikhailovich ([422], pages 98-99) that was made in the abovementioned publication of the diaries dating from 1898: “These words, as well as the entire conversation between the scribe and the Czar that follows, are written in Russian and transcribed in the Arabic alphabet” (quoted according to [422], page 99). It turns out that Russian texts could be written in Russian yet rendered in Arabic letters as recently as in the epoch of Alexei Mikhailovich. Our reconstruction explains this fact perfectly well.

Modern historians have noted this fact, which obviously concurs with their version of history very poorly. They instantly came up with the following “explanatory hypothesis”: Macarios II, Patriarch of Antiochia, is said to have been “an ethnic Arab” ([422], page 95). There is nothing to prove this version written anywhere in [422]; however, even if this is true, the oddness remains. The diaries in question were written by a member of the Patriarch’s entourage as an official document; their language must have been the official language of the Orthodox Patriarchy (either Russian or Greek). The ethnic origins of the author had hardly interested anyone – he should have written in the language of the Orthodox Patriarchy and not that of his parents. The Patriarchy would obviously fire the scribe otherwise. The very fact that the diaries written by Paul of Aleppo in Arabic and Russian (transcribed in Arabic characters) has reached our epoch means that it has been stored with care, as an important official document – possibly, by the Antiochian Patriarchy.

However, nowadays we are being told that the documents of this kind written in Arabic must necessarily be of an Islamic origin. However, the Antiochian Patriarchy had been one of the most important centres of the Orthodox Church. Apparently, the real events of the XVII century must have differed from their modern rendition drastically.

5.

Arabic numerals as derived from the alphanumeric symbols of the Slavs and the Greeks in the XV-XVI century A.D.

5.1. The invention of positional notation: when did it happen?

Nowadays it is commonly presumed that the positional notation system was invented in India “in times immemorial” ([821], page 88), and then adopted by the Arabs. The latter had brought it to mediaeval Europe. This is where the “Arabic numerals” acted as a catalyst for the rapid development of mathematics and calculus in the second part of the XVI and the beginning of the XVII century. In particular, the year 1585 marks the invention of decimal fractions ([821], page 119). According to D. J. Struik, the famous specialist in the history of mathematics, “it had been a major improvement that became possible due to the mass adoption of the Indo-Arabic notation. Another major improvement had been the invention of the logarithms” ([821], page 120). The invention of the logarithms took place in the first half of the XVII century ([821], pages 120-121).

We must emphasise that the decimal fractions and the logarithms couldn’t have been invented before the introduction of the positional decimal notation system. Moreover, these inventions must have been relatively easy to make after the introduction of the positional system. Indeed, let us consider the invention of the decimal fractions. If the notation system that we use is positional, moving a digit one place upwards makes the value of said digit ten times greater. The unit digits occupy the lowest place in this system; the idea of continuing the notation further downwards, below the unit digits, is therefore a natural one. One adheres to the same rule – moving a digit one place downwards should make its numeric value ten times smaller. The only thing this invention requires is a separator of integers and fractions, or the decimal point. For instance, the figure 16.236 employs the point to separate two places of integers from three places of fractions. This invention hardly required hundreds of years, as the Scaligerian history of science is trying to convince us, and is likely to have been made a few decades after the invention of zero and the positional notation system.

The invention of decimal logarithms must have been slightly more difficult, yet could not have been a major problem, since it stems from the decimal positional notation as well. The matter is that the integer part of a decimal algorithm represents the length of a given number as transcribed in the decimal position notation minus one. The following simple circumstance is easy enough to notice, and must have been noticed without much delay, namely, that the multiplication of two numbers results in the summation of their lengths in general; occasionally, it requires the subtraction of one. This results from the fact that the logarithms of two multiplied numbers add up. Therefore, the integer parts of logarithms are added up as well; the subtraction of one is needed in cases when the fraction parts of the logarithms of multiplied numbers equal one after addition. Apparently, mediaeval mathematicians would need to make a more precise estimation of the characteristic stemming from a given number’s length, so that these characteristics would add up after the multiplication of the numbers in question. The correct understanding of this idea instantly leads one to the concept of logarithms. This is the very problem that John Napier was trying to solve when he invented logarithms in the beginning of the XVII century. His conception had initially been somewhat clumsy, but it didn’t take much time to evolve to more or less the same condition as nowadays ([821], page 121). D. J. Struik reports that the first table of decimal logarithms of integers (from one to one hundred thousand) was first published in 1627 ([821], page 121) – a mere 13 years after the very first publication on this topic made by John Napier ([821], pages 120-121).

Thus, the concept of positional decimal notation cannot predate the introduction of decimal fractions and logarithms by too great an interval of time. Since the logarithms were invented in the beginning of the XVII century, one can make the rather certain presumption that the propagation of the positional decimal notation cannot possibly predate the middle of the XVI century A.D. It had initially been a concept used by specialists, such as mathematicians and experts in calculus, and then became popular with editors, artists, schoolteachers, etc.

Nevertheless, we are being told that the Western European artists, as well as representatives of other professions that have got little or nothing at all to do with mathematics, had freely used the positional decimal notation in the XV century and even earlier, let alone the Indians, who had allegedly used this system as early as in 500 B.C. ([755], page 20). However, the very same Scaligerian history of science tells us that the “ancient” Indians had later “forgotten” their formidable achievements in the field of mathematics. Yet they somehow managed to relate it to the Arabs before this strange affliction of forgetfulness, who had, it turn, carried this torch of “ancient knowledge” for centuries before illuminating the ignorant Europe at some point in the Middle Ages, when India had already entered the dark age of mediaeval ignorance, likewise Europe (insofar as mathematics are concerned, at least). At any rate, we are told that “we have a very limited amount of data concerning the development of mathematics in China and India; many pieces of material evidence have disappeared, or simply haven’t been discovered to date” ([755], page 45).

We believe this picture to be perfectly unnatural and unveracious. We can easily estimate the approximate date when the positional decimal notation system was discovered from the rapid development and propagation of this concept; it started in the end of the XVI century ([821]). Therefore, the naissance of the concept in question must date to the middle of the XVI century and not any earlier. It makes no sense at all to separate the naissance of a concept from its direct and obvious consequences by hundreds and even thousands of years, the way it is done in Scaligerian history. Therefore, all of the “ancient” Babylonian, Indian, Arabic and other texts that employ positional decimal notation in one way or another cannot possibly predate the XVI century. This observation fully pertains to the famous cuneiform tablets of Mesopotamia. We are told that the “ancient Sumerians” had widely used the positional notation as early as in the third millennium B.C. ([821], page 40). They are also presumed to have easily solved linear and quadric equations with two variables two thousand years before Christ. D. J. Struik reports the following: “Babylonians of Hammurapi’s epoch had fully mastered the technique of solving quadric equations. They could solve linear and quadric equations with two variables and even problems with cubic and biquadratic equations” ([821], page 42). In the first millennium before Christ, “ancient Sumerians” could already make calculations “rendered to the seventeenth hexadecimal unit. Calculations of such complexity were neither required by taxation problems, nor by measurements – they had stemmed from the necessity of solving astronomical problems” ([821], page 44).

We are of the opinion that all of these achievements of the “ancient” Sumerian mathematics were made in the XVI-XVII, or even the XVIII century A.D. and not before Christ. It is significant that even John Napier, the inventor of logarithms, “had tried to evade operations with fractions” ([755], page 130). Specialists in history of mathematics usually say that he had performed such operations “with ease”; nevertheless, the mere fact that he had tried to evade fractions speaks volumes – and shouldn’t be perceived as odd, since, as we have seen, decimal fractions were invented in 1585, when John Napier (1550-1617) had been 35 years of age ([821], page 121). Prior to that, operations with factions (non-decimal) had been cumbersome and rather complex. Mathematicians, accountants, book-keepers and astronomers who had lived in Mesopotamia in the XVI-XVIII century apparently suffered from paper shortage, hence the use of clay tablets for calculations. Clay tablets became obsolete in the XVIII-XIX century, when paper became an easily accessible commodity. These tablets were discovered some 100 years later by the archaeologists from Western Europe, and instantly proclaimed to be “ancient evidence testifying to the great power of Sumerian science”, which had allegedly flourished in the III millennium B.C. The locals didn’t object.

5.2. The origins of the Arabic numerals used for positional notation

D. J. Struik reports: “The symbols used for transcribing digits in positional notation had been rather varied; however, one can distinguish between two primary types – Indian symbols used by the Eastern Arabs, and the so-called gobar (or gubar) digits used by the Western Arabs in Spain. Symbols of the first type are still used in the Arabic world; as for the modern system, it appears to have derived from gobar” ([821], page 89).

The issue of the “Arabic notation’s” origins still remains a mystery for the Scaligerian history of science. There are several theories about it – Vepke’s, for instance, which suggests these symbols to have come to the West in the alleged V century A.D. from Alexandria by proxy of the neo-Pythagoreans ([821], page 90). Another theory was put forth by N. M. Boubnov; it claims the gobar symbols to be of a Graeco-Roman origin ([821], page 90). However, neither system refers to the predecessors of the familiar Arabic numerals. The latter are said to be derived from the ancient (as in “forgotten”) Graeco-Roman symbols, or, alternatively, “Alexandrian” – also forgotten and therefore unknown.

V. V. Bobynin, the famous Russian researcher of the history of mathematics wrote: “History of our digit symbols is but a number of assumptions interspersed by arbitrary conjectures that have taken on the axiomatic appearance owing to the prior use of suggestion methods” (quoting by [989], page 53). The authors of the Encyclopaedia ([989]) relate several theories of the Arabic numerals’ origins, concluding with the following deep observation: “Thus, we still have no historically valid hypothesis that would satisfactorily explain the origins of the numerals that we use” ([989], page 53).

We adhere to the hypothesis that offers an easier explanation. Once we ponder this properly and let go of the scholastic Scaligerian datings, the origins of the “Arabic numerals” become rather obvious. We identify the immediate predecessor of the positional system as the Graeco-Slavic semi-positional notation system below; it is also made obvious that the version used had been Slavic and based on the Russian shorthand script of the XVI century. All of the above is likely to have happened in the XVI century, the epoch when the positional system was discovered, q.v. above. Let us delve deeper into the details now.

The notation used in Russia before the invention of the positional system had been semi-positional, with three diacritic signs existing for each decimal symbol ([782], issue 1, page 16). One such sign stood for unit digits, another – for tens digits, and the third was used for hundred’s units, q.v. in fig. 13.38. Zeroes were altogether absent; however, since the unit symbols had differed from place to place, the place indication would be contained in the actual symbol. This would allow one to perform all the usual arithmetic operations with integers smaller than a thousand. Integers greater than a thousand required the use of special symbols (see fig. 13.38). Cyrillic characters had served this purpose.

Fig. 13.38. Ancient Slavic and Greek semi-positional notation. Taken from [728], Issue 1, page 16.

Let us make a few comments about the table in fig. 13.38. For instance, the figure of one could be represented in three different ways:

1. The letter A if the figure in question stood for the unit digit.

2. The letter I if the figure stood for the tens digit.

3. The letter P if the figure stood for the hundreds digit.

For instance, 101 would be transcribed as PA. Modern positional system utilizes zero for this number, but there were no zeroes in the ancient Slavic semi-positional notation system; however, the very letters used demonstrate that one of them represents a units digit, and the other stands in the hundreds place.

Thus, the transcription of integers between 1 and 1000 had required three times as many symbols as we use today (nine of them altogether, not counting the zero) – 27 Cyrillic characters, that is, with three characters playing the part of a single digit. The table in fig. 13.38 arranges those 27 characters into three lines; we see three different Cyrillic characters underneath every Arabic numeral. The other four lines repeat the first; the characters are accompanied by special symbols that represent the remaining places (between the thousands and the millions). We see no new letters used here.

How did the abovementioned system become replaced by its positional successor, complete with zeroes et al? This would require the selection of nine symbols out of 27 – one of them standing for “1”, another for “2” and so on.

This is precisely what had happened. As we shall see below, this has resulted in the creation of the “Arabic numerals” used to date, which makes it obvious that their inventors had been using the Graeco-Slavic semi-positional notation previously. Also, most of the “Arabic numerals” are based upon the Russian shorthand versions of Cyrillic letters as used in the XVI century. This can only mean one thing – the inventors of the “Arabic numerals” had known Russian well, and the Russian shorthand writing of the XVI century had been a familiar script for them.

This eliminates the “great mystery” of Scaligerian history, making the origins of the “Arabic numerals” evident. We believe them to be derived from the shorthand versions of the Graeco-Slavic “letter numerals” as used by the Russians in the XVI century. Moreover, other details that we shall relate below demonstrate that the “Arabic numerals” had been the Russian shorthand script and not the Greek – the two alphabets are somewhat different.

Let us consider the table in fig. 13.39, discussing each figure separately.

Fig. 13.39. Our table that reflects the derivation of the Arabic numerals from the Slavic alphanumeric characters of the semi-positional notation system used previously. Pay attention to the fact that in many cases the Arabic numerals were derived from the shorthand forms of Cyrillic letters.

1) The figure of one. The symbol chosen to represent the figure of one is the letter I that had formerly stood for the tens digit, as the simplest of the three. It is highlighted in fig. 13.39; the final version had been the Indo-Arabic figure of 1.

2) The figure of two. This figure was derived from Б – the second letter of the Slavic alphabet. It does not exist in the Greek alphabet, where we have A followed by B, which is derived from an inverted version of Б in shorthand (see fig. 13.39). This is how the familiar “Indo-Arabic” figure of two came into being. The author of the new numeric system clearly demonstrates his preference of the Slavic alphabet over the Greek.

We shall consider the figure of three below, since the symbol that represents it had been swapped with the figure of seven.

4) The figure of four. This figure is used in two versions – closed and open. The former derives from the Slavic letter Д, which we find used as a unit digit, and the latter – from the Slavic letter У, which had represented 4 in the hundreds place, q.v. in fig. 13.39. The letter in question is the obvious precursor of the “Indo-Arabic” figure of four.

We shall omit the figures of five, six and seven for the time being, since their positions had been rearranged.

8) The figure of eight. It is derived from the Slavic Omega that had stood for the figure of eight in the hundreds place. The letter is rotated by a factor of 90 degrees, q.v. in fig. 13.39; this is how the “Indo-Arabic” figure of eight came into being.

9) The figure of nine. The “Indo-Arabic” digit in question identifies as the non-standard form of nine in the hundreds place that had been used in Russia exclusively. The Graeco-Slavic notation had used the letter Ц for this purpose; however, the Russians had also employed the letter Я. The shorthand version of the letter is de facto the figure of nine with an extra stroke, which has transformed into the “Indo-Arabic” numeral that we use nowadays (see fig. 13.39). This shorthand version was canonised during Peter’s reform, and has been used ever since, with slight modifications. In fig. 13.40 we reproduce a specimen of Russian shorthand writing that dates from the early XVII century ([791], issue 19, flyleaf). What we see is the Russian word for banner, znamya; its final letter is Я.

Fig. 13.40. Shorthand form of the Slavic letter Я at the end of the word “znamya” (“banner”). It is perfectly obvious that if we are to discard the top stroke, we shall end up with the “Indo-Arabic” figure of nine. Taken from [791], issue 19.

Let us now consider the “Indo-Arabic” figures of three, five, six and seven.

3 and 7) Three and seven. The “Indo-Arabic” figure of 3 derives from the shorthand version of the Russian letter З, which had been used to represent seven as a units digit (see fig. 13.39). We see the letter and the numeral to be completely identical! As for the “Indo-Arabic” figure of 7, it owes its existence to the Russian letter T in shorthand, which had represented three in the hundreds place (see fig. 13.41). Thus, the symbols used for 3 and 7 had been swapped for one another for some reason.

Fig. 13.41. Shorthand form of the Slavic letter T at the beginning of a word. It is obviously identifiable as the “Indo-Arabic” figure of 7. Taken from [791], issue 19.

5 and 6) Five and six. The “Indo-Arabic” figure of 5 originates from the shorthand version of the Russian letter zelo, formerly used to represent six as a units digit (see fig. 13.39). Inversely, the “Indo-Arabic” figure of six derives from the Slavic letter E in shorthand script, which had once stood for the figure of five as a units digit (actually, the shorthand version is very close to the handwritten letter E in modern Russian). The inventors of the “Indo-Arabic” script had simply used the mirror reflection of the Slavic letter E for the figure of six. In fig. 13.42 one sees another specimen of Russian shorthand writing dating from the early XVII century, wherein the letter E at the end of the word velikiye (“the great ones”) is transcribed as the mirrored figure of 6 ([787], issue 7). The figures of five and six have also been swapped in a rather odd manner, likewise the figures of three and seven.

Fig. 13.42. Shorthand form of the Slavic letter E at the end of the word “velikiye” (“the great ones”). The “Indo-Arabic” figure of six is a mirror reflection of this letter. Taken from [787], issue 7.

0) Zero. The numeral used for zero is of a particular interest to us, since the introduction of the new notation system only became possible after the invention of the zero, which stands for a missing digit, or an empty place. Zero is used as a placeholder of sorts; the symbol used for it is most likely to be an abbreviation of some word. Which one exactly? If we presume the word in question to have been Slavic, the explanation is rather simple. According to V. Dahl, the preposition o is the archaic form of the modern Russian preposition ot ([223], Volume 2, column 1467). This preposition is commonly used for referring to an absence of some sort; the etymological dictionary tells us that ot is “a verbal prefix used for conveying the concepts of cessation, distance or removal” ([955], Volume 1, page 610). It would therefore make sense to indicate the absence of a digit with a symbol that resembles the letter O. Apparently, this is where the zero comes from.

It is also possible that nol, the Russian word for “zero”, is a derivative from the Old Russian words noli and nolno. The word is obsolete nowadays, but had been used commonly up until the XVII century as a restrictive adverb that translates as “not earlier than”, in particular ([789], page 421). Zeroes in positional notation can also be regarded as restrictive symbols, precluding the neighbouring digits from occupying the place of the missing one. The old semi-positional notation would merely lump all digits together and omit the empty places – hence the necessity to use three symbols for the transcription of a single digit in order to distinguish between units, tens and hundreds. This does not happen in positional system due to the use of zeroes, which are used to keep the digits in their proper places, as it were. It is therefore possible that the zero had initially been regarded as a restrictive symbol, its Russian name (“nol”) being a logical derivative of the restrictive adverb nolno used in Old Russian. The two sound very much alike.

Apart from that, the Old Russian word noli had been used for referring to an unrealisable conception, or a possibility that never came to pass, as one can clearly see from the following sentence in Old Russian, for example: “pomyshlyal yesm v sebe: noli budu luchii togda, no khud yesm i bolen” ([789], page 420). The sentence translates as “I had thought that I might get better, but I am thin and ailing.” The Old Russian word “noli” used in this meaning also strikes the authors as a possible ancestor of the new symbol’s name, “nol”. The zero can also be interpreted as a symbol of an “unrealised possibility”, which we may perceive as the missed opportunity of having used a digit with an explicit numeric value in lieu of the zero. The zero is telling us that the place it occupies is void of the numeric value it may have possessed in theory.

One may naturally attempt to trace the origins of the zero symbol (0) to the Latin word “ov”, which can translate as “in exchange for” ([237], page 684). Yet one may wonder whether this “ancient” Latin word might be derived from the Slavic prefix ob, which constitutes a part of the Russian word for “exchange”, obmen. Many of the “ancient” Latin words had been imported from Slavonic originally, as we demonstrate in our Parallelism Glossary (see Chron7).

And so, the name of the new digit (“nol”, cf. the English words “null” and “nil”, the German word “Null,” etc.), is most likely to be of a Slavonic origin. Similarly, the new “Indo-Arabic” numerals are but slightly modified versions of the Old Russian letters that had formerly been used as numerals. Positional notation is thus a relatively recent invention that is unlikely to predate the end of the XVI century – a far cry from the distant Middle Ages, or the presumed epoch of the positional system’s invention in the fallacious Scaligerian chronology.

Let us conclude with the following observation. It is theoretically possible to search for letters that would resemble the “Indo-Arabic” numerals in other alphabets. However, it must be emphasised that randomly chosen alphabets are most likely to be unfit for this purpose. The discovery of “letters that resemble numerals” in a given alphabet is possible per se. The objective is to discover alphabetic symbols that had actually been used as numerals in the Middle Ages. Apart from that, owing to the conservative nature of indications as a whole, the symbols used in the new notation system must correspond to the respective values of the old “alphabetic numerals.” We find this to be the case with the Graeco-Slavic alphabet and the “Indo-Arabic” numerals. It makes no sense to consider arbitrary symbols from other alphabets that had never been used as numerals.

The conclusion that we have made, namely, that the invention of the zero dates from the end of the XVI century the earliest, is in perfect concurrence with the following historical fact, which is very widely known and perfectly baffling from the Scaligerian viewpoint. It is suggested that the zero was invented in “deep antiquity.” However, it has been noted that even as recently as in the XVI century, no mathematician would consider zero as a viable equation root ([219], page 153). Moreover, specialists in the history of science report that the natural idea of making the right part of a given equation equal to zero dates from the late XVI – early XVII century and not any earlier ([219], page 153). And yet we are being told that the concept of zero had been introduced some several centuries prior to that: “Equation roots equalling zero had been an alien concept for the mathematical science of the Renaissance. The canonical form of equations was invented by the Englishman Thomas Harriot (1580-1621) in his book entitled The Application of Analytical Art” ([219], page 153). This can only mean one thing, namely, that the numeral that represents zero had not existed before the end of the XVI century. One can hardly think of another explanation.

5.3. Conspicuous traces of sixes fashioned into fives found in the old documents

Let us, for instance, consider the well-known engraving of the famous mediaeval artist Albrecht Dürer (who is presumed to have lived in 1471-1528) that is entitled “Melancholy” (see fig. 13.43; taken from [1232], number 23). In the top right corner of the engraving we see a so-called magic square, four rows by four columns. The sum of the numbers found in each row equals the sum of the numbers contained in every column, namely, 34. In fig. 13.44 we reproduce a close-in of this square, and in fig. 13.45 one sees a close-in of the first cell in the second row, which contains the figure of five. This is the very figure that is required for making the square in question a “magic square.” However, a close study of the reproduction makes it perfectly obvious to us that this very figure of five is a corrected figure of six (see fig. 13.45). This is very easy to explain – the modern figure of six had initially been ascribed the numeric value of five, and vice versa – the modern fives had stood for sixes in the XVI century. Dürer’s “magic square” had initially used these “old indications.” However, the alteration of said indications had resulted in the loss of the square’s “magical” properties. The engraving needed to be corrected – this may have been done by Dürer himself, or indeed by one of his apprentices or followers. This particular engraving bears a distinct mark of this digit correction campaign of the XVI-XVII century; however, similar traces are very likely to be found in other works of art and documents.

Fig. 13.43. Albrecht Dürer’s engraving entitled “Melancholy.” Taken from [1232], issue 23.

Fig. 13.44. Fragment of “Melancholy”, the engraving of Albrecht Dürer, depicting the “magical square.” Taken from [1232].

Fig. 13.45. An obvious alteration of a figure in the “magical square.” The figure of 6 was transformed into 5. Taken from [1232].

5.4. XVII century alterations introduced into the old datings

The fact that the values of the “Indo-Arabic” numerals had still been in a state of flux in the early XVII century must have been used by the Scaligerites for the falsification of the datings pertaining to that epoch. Let us assume that a certain document contains a dating that corresponds to the beginning of the XVII century – 1614, for instance, transcribed in the old manner (as 1514, that is – the second symbol was derived from the letter “zelo”, and had originally stood for six). The numeric value of this symbol eventually changed, and became equal to five. If we are to forget about the original value of the digit in question, the date 1514 shall transform into fifteen hundred and fourteen, having stood for sixteen hundred and fourteen originally. What we have is a hundred years of extra age. This simple method allowed for the backdating of a great many XVII century documents. Apparently, the Scaligerian historians of the XVII-XVIII century had used this method extensively. Many of the XVI-XVII century events became shifted a century backwards as a result. Indeed, we are already well familiar with the centenarian chronological shift inherent in the history of Europe, and Russian history in particular.

It is possible that the altered values of the “Indo-Arabic” alphabetic numerals had served a particular end – concealing the Graeco-Slavic origins of the “Indo-Arabic” numerals. This must have taken place in the epoch of the Great = “Mongolian” Empire’s decline and fragmentation, or the first half of the XVII century, when the “new history” of ancient and recent times alike was being introduced. We discuss this issue in Chron6, pointing out that the creation of new languages, new grammar rules, etc., had been high on the agenda of the Western European state independence programme. The deliberate distortion of the notation system that had been used previously must have been one of the crucial reformist endeavours. All of the above must have served the objective of severing the ties with the former Great = “Mongolian” Empire and its traditions, language-wise and digit-wise in particular. Therefore, 5 had swapped places with 6, and 3 – with 7. The connexion between the Slavic numerals and their freshly introduced Western European counterparts became less obvious as a result; it requires some effort to be discovered nowadays. Without these manipulations, the connexion would have been instantly noticeable. It suffices to recollect the figure of 3, which is still completely identical to the Slavic letter З.

It has to be stated explicitly that the fact that we discovered above does not imply that the “Indo-Arabic” numerals were invented in Russia. It is possible that their inventors had hailed from Egypt or the Western Europe originally, seeing as how the Great Empire had still been united in the late XVI – early XVII century. Different imperial provinces had played different parts in a rational and convenient way. The Czars, or Khans of the Horde had been developing the shipbuilding industry in some of the regions, while the others specialised in science, fine arts, medicine and so on. All the achievements and discoveries would instantly be put to use throughout the entire “Mongolian” Empire, while the Imperial court of the Empire (and the Great Czar, Khan or Emperor in particular) became the proprietor of the fruits of labour (physical, intellectual and so on). However, the fragmentation of the empire had brought a strange phenomenon about – namely, the notions of severe inter-regional competition (claims of medical or scientific supremacy of one region over another, and the like). None of it could have existed before the fall of the empire – one region taking pride in the manufacture of cannons, another – in shipbuilding, etc. The fact that both ships and cannons had recently been communal property of the Empire, built and cast in accordance with the general imperial plans of development drawn up in the Emperor’s chancellery.

Therefore, let us reiterate that the “Indo-Arabic” numerals may have been invented in whatever region of the Empire had been distinguished by a high concentration of scientific centres that had received additional financing from the imperial treasury. However, we insist that this invention had been the logical next step after the Old Slavic tradition of transcribing numerals as letters, and that this tradition had been the only one that could have led to the invention of the “Indo-Arabic” numerals. If the place of their invention is identified as Europe, it shall only mean that the Europeans had used Slavic letters at some point in the past. If the positional notation is a Russian invention, the West Europeans may have imported the Slavic numerals, possibly also rearranging them somewhat on the way, swapping the respective positions of fives and sixes, as well as threes and sevens.

The readers might enquire about the absence of the first “Indo-Arabic” numerals from the Old Russian documents; we can explain it in the following manner. Apparently, the “Indo-Arabic” numerals entered wide circulation all across the Western Europe (and became de rigueur for official documents et al) in the XVII century; Russia started to use them en masse in the epoch of Peter the Great, shortly afterwards. One must distinguish between the stage of the “Indo-Arabic” numerals’ invention in the late XVI – early XVII century, and the period of their propagation, which falls on the XVII century and postdates the fall of the Empire, when the Russian society had already been made culturally dependent from Western Europe by the new dynasty of the Romanovs. Thus, the new Romanovian Russia hastened to adopt the very same numerals as the ones that had started to propagate across the Western Europe a short while earlier.

If the positional notation system was invented in the beginning of the XVII century the earliest, and its widespread use began a few decades later, around the middle of the same century, we cannot encounter this notation in any document that predates the end of the XVI century. Whenever we hear stories of ancient documents with “Indo-Arabic” datings such as 1250, 1460 or even 1520, presumably inscribed upon them back in those halcyon days, we should know them to be forgeries – those may come in the shape of entire documents dating from a much more recent epoch, or as false “Indo-Arabic” datings inscribed on authentic old documents by the hoaxers. As for the alleged XVI century datings, some of them might actually pertain to the XVII century, as we explained above. Modern historians misinterpret the old figure that had once stood for six, claiming it to correspond with the modern figure of five, since the two symbols look identical.

This brings us back to the issue of just when the public figures of the XV-XVI century known to us today could have really lived. For instance, we are told that Albrecht Dürer, the famous artist, had lived in 1471-1528. We might do well to doubt this; he must have lived in the late XVI – early XVII century. Since the ancient dates beginning with 15 really pertain to the XVII century, and we see plenty of them upon his drawings and paintings, the early XVII century is the actual epoch when his famous engravings and star charts for Ptolemy’s Almagest were created, as well as the rest of Dürer’s oeuvres.

Bear in mind that our analysis of the Almagest demonstrates this book in its modern form to date from the early XVII century the earliest, q.v. in Chron3. Likewise, Dürer’s star charts for the Almagest were manufactured around the same time, and not a century earlier.

Let us now cite several examples of how a number of prominent mediaeval artists transcribe dates on their paintings and drawings. The above makes it clear that these works of art were made about a century later than consensual chronology claims.

In fig. 13.46 we can see a self-portrait of Albrecht Dürer ([1232], painting #1). We can see the date above the artist’s head clearly enough (fig. 13.47). Nowadays this date is interpreted as 1493; however, let us pay closer attention to the shape of the second digit from the left, allegedly the figure of four. Could this symbol really be a slight modification of the Slavic letter E, which had formerly stood for 5? If this is indeed the case, the date on Dürer’s self-portrait must be read as 1593 – the very end of the XVI century and not the XV, as it is widely believed nowadays.

Fig. 13.46. Albrecht Dürer’s self-portrait dating from the alleged year 1493. The real dating is most likely to be 1593, a hundred years more recent. Taken from [1232], illustration 1.

Fig. 13.47. Close-in of the fragment of Dürer’s self-portrait with the date.

In fig. 13.48 we see one of Dürer’s engravings ([1232], #4). Once again, we see a dating in the top of the picture (see fig. 13.49). This dating is read as 1494 nowadays; however, a more attentive study of the so-called “figure of four” reveals the latter to resemble the handwritten Slavic letter E; should this prove true, the date upon the drawing must be read as 1595 and not 1494.

Fig. 13.48. Albrecht Dürer’s engraving entitled “Battle of the Sea Gods.” The dating at the top is identified as the alleged year 1494 – the real dating is more likely to be 1595 A.D. Taken from [1232], #4.

Fig. 13.49. Close-in of a fragment of Dürer’s engraving with the date. Taken from [1232], #4.

Another painting by Albrecht Dürer is reproduced in fig. 13.50 ([1232], #11). It also has a date upon it (see fig. 13.51). The date is traditionally interpreted as 1499 – however, once again we see a derivative of the Slavic letter E and not a figure of four; this letter stands for the figure of five in its archaic transcription. The real dating of the painting is therefore 1599 and not 1499.

Fig. 13.50. Albrecht Dürer’s painting allegedly dating from 1499. The real dating is most likely to be a hundred years more recent – 1599. Taken from [1232], #11.

Fig. 13.51. Fragment with the date from Dürer’s painting allegedly dating from 1499.

In fig. 13.52 we see another engraving of Dürer’s ([1232], #12). It has got a dating at the bottom (fig. 13.53). The consensual interpretation of the dating is 1502 – however, the second digit stands for 6 and not 5, as we have already explained. It also becomes perfectly clear to us that Dürer’s brilliant drawing technique is really an achievement of the XVII century.

Fig. 13.52. Albrecht Dürer’s drawing allegedly dating from 1502. The real dating is most likely to be 1602. Taken from [1232], #12.

Fig. 13.53. Fragment with the date from Dürer’s drawing allegedly dating from 1502.

Yet another painting by Albrecht Dürer is reproduced in fig. 13.54 ([1232], #16). We see a date above the young woman’s head (fig. 13.55). Once again, we must insist that the date must be read as 1606 and not 1505, since we know that the symbol used for the figure of five nowadays had previously stood for six. Apart from that, the first digit is drawn as X and not I (fig. 13.55). This letter is the initial of the name “Христос”, or “Christ”, which confirms our theory that the first digits of the ancient datings had originally represented the letter I (the first letter of the name Jesus – also written as Iesu, or Iisus in Russian). The letter had subsequently been declared a digit, or a figure of one in the thousands place. As a matter of fact, in the present painting we see the letter X drawn in a special manner that is characteristic for the Cyrillic script.

Fig. 13.54. Albrecht Dürer’s painting allegedly dating from 1505. The real dating is most likely to be a hundred years more recent – 1606. Apart from that, the first figure of one is obviously transcribed as the Cyrillic X, or the first letter of the name Christ in Russian. Taken from [1232], #16.

Fig. 13.55. Fragment with the date from Albrecht Dürer’s painting allegedly dating from 1505.

One needn’t think that Albrecht Dürer is the only artist affected by the phenomenon described above – it has affected every other painter and sculptor whose oeuvres are dated to the XV-XVI century nowadays, as well as the datings found in the “old” books (bibles in particular).

In fig. 13.56 we see “The Decapitation of John the Baptist” by Hans Fries, a painting kept in the Basel Museum of Art ([104], #10). In the bottom of the picture we see a dating interpreted as 1514 nowadays (see fig. 13.57). Bearing the old numeric value of the symbol 5 in mind, we should interpret the date as 1614 or 1615. One must also mark the first symbol on the left – clearly the letter I, complete with a dot on top. We see another dot in front of the date. Thus, we see the “first digit” as I, or the first letter of the name Jesus (Iesu/Iisus), which concurs with our reconstruction perfectly well.

The shape flux of the “Indo-Arabic” numerals in the epoch of the late XVI – early XVII century is manifest vividly in the oeuvres of Lucas Cranach, the famous artist of the Middle Ages. He is presumed to have been born in 1472 and died in 1553 ([797], page 643). For instance, the figure of 5 (which must have stood for 6) is drawn differently from painting to painting. Since Lucas Cranach is more likely to have lived in the XVI-XVII century and not the XV-XVI, such variations in date transcription indicate that the rules of transcribing the “Indo-Arabic” numerals had still been in formation in the XVII century.

Fig. 13.56. The painting of Ian Fries entitled “The Beheading of John the Baptist.” Basel Museum of Art. It is dated to the alleged year 1514; however, the real dating must be a hundred years more recent – 1614 or 1615. Mark the fact that the first “numeral” is transcribe as the letter “i” with a dot, or the first letter of the name Jesus (Iisus). Taken from [104], #10.

Fig. 13.57. Fragment with the date on the painting of Hans Fries entitled “The Beheading of John the Baptist.”

Cranach’s engraving entitled “David and Abigail” is reproduced in fig. 13.58 ([1310], page 7). In the bottom right corner we see the drawing of a plaque with Lucas Cranach’s initials, a dragon and a date (see fig. 13.59). The consensual interpretation of the date is 1509; the veracious one is most likely to be 1609. Pay attention to the figure of 5 (or the archaic version of the figure of six). The difference between the symbol used here and the modern figure of five is that the former is a mirrored version of the latter. By the way, the appearance of the “ancient” Biblical King David is of the utmost interest – we see a typical mediaeval knight in heavy armour. Moreover, we see Abigail’s hat and gloves right next to her on the ground. Lucas Cranach, the mediaeval artist, had therefore considered it natural that the “ancient” Biblical Abigail should be represented as a mediaeval woman alongside such late mediaeval accessories as gloves and a brimmed hat.

Fig. 13.58. The engraving of Lucas Cranach entitled “David and Abigail.” The Biblical David looks like a mediaeval knight in armour. Abigail is dressed as a mediaeval woman. Taken from [1310], page 7.

Fig. 13.59. Fragment with the date on the engraving of Lucas Cranach. The figure of 5 is transcribed as its mirror reflection. Taken from [1310], page 7.

Let us carry on with our study of surviving mediaeval datings.

The figure of 5 is also mirrored in the date from Cranach’s engraving entitled “St. George” – this transcription strikes us as uncanny nowadays ([1258], page 9; see fig. 13.60). We are told that the date we see here stands for 1509 – which means it should really be interpreted as 1609 - the first decade of the XVII century, that is.

Fig. 13.60. Fragment with the date on the engraving of Lucas Cranach entitled “St. George.” The figure of 5 looks like a mirror reflection of itself. Taken from [1258], page 9.

The figure of 5 is mirrored once again in Cranach’s engraving that depicts St. Hieronymus ([1310], page 14; see fig. 13.61). The plaque with the date is drawn upside down here. We have turned it over for the sake of convenience; the date is most likely to stand for 1609.

Fig. 13.61. Fragment with the date on the engraving of Lucas Cranach that depicts St. Hieronymus. The figure of 5 looks like a mirror reflection of itself. Taken from 1310, page 14.

We encounter yet another mirrored figure of 5 in Cranach’s engraving known as “Johannes der Täufer im Wald preligend”, allegedly dating from 1516 (taken from [1258], page 35). The fragment with the date is reproduced in fig. 13.62; the date probably reads as 1616.

Fig. 13.62. Fragment with the date on the engraving of Lucas Cranach entitled “Johannes der Täufer im Wald preligend” allegedly dating from 1516. The figure of 5 looks like a mirror reflection of itself. From [1258], page 35.

However, the datings found on some other works of the very same Lucas Cranach utilize a different transcription of 5, which is similar to the modern version. We observe this to be the case with his engraving entitled “The Espalier Tournament”, allegedly dating from 1509 ([1310], pages 8-9). The fragment with the date is represented in fig. 13.63. The engraving should date from 1609 in reality.

Fig. 13.63. Fragment with the date on the engraving of Lucas Cranach entitled “Fencing Tournament” allegedly dating from 1509. The figure of 5 already has its modern form. Taken from [1310], pages 8-9.

We see a similar transcription of this symbol in Cranach’s portrait of Hans Luther, allegedly dating from 1527 ([1258], page 41). The fragment with the date can be seen in fig. 13.64. We are of the opinion that the portrait was painted 100 years later – in 1627.

Fig. 13.64. Fragment with the date on the painting of Lucas Cranach depicting Hans Luther, allegedly dating from 1527. The figure of 5 looks just like it does nowadays. Taken from [1258], page 541.

In fig. 13.65 we reproduce the fragment of Cranachs’s “Portrait of a Woman” (State Hermitage, St. Petersburg) that contains the date ([1310]). The figure of 5 already looks modern; as we understand now, the date must read as 1626.

Fig. 13.65. Fragment with the date on a female portrait by Lucas Cranach allegedly dating from 1526. Kept in the State Hermitage of St. Petersburg. The figure of 5 already looks modern. From [1310].

NB. When we look at the old engravings of the XVI-XVII century (drawings, maps, etc.), we are usually convinced that the prints we see were made by the artist himself in the XVI or the XVII century. However, this might prove wrong. The authors would usually carve the artwork on a copper plate (the first engravings were made with the use of wood; however, this method had soon become obsolete). The copper plate could then be used for making prints. The grooves in the plate were filled with black paint, with all the extra paint carefully removed so as to keep it all inside the grooves. The plate was then covered with wet paper and a layer of felt on top. The print would then be “rolled” under high pressure, with the paper reaching into every groove, under pressure applied through the felt, and soaking up the paint.

This is how prints were made. These prints could be produced much later than the copper plates were made; the latter had not been disposable, and would pass from one owner to another, end up sold to third parties and so on.

Prints from old plates could therefore be made in any epoch up to the XVIII and the XIX century; however, the technique of introducing minor alterations into the artwork had been relatively unsophisticated, and easily allowed to change the date on a drawing, or the name on a map. The required part of the plate needed to be polished for this purpose, with another groove carved in its place, albeit a deeper one. The rolling procedure would still provide for excellent contact of the paper and the dye, notwithstanding the deeper grooves carved into the plate by the editors.

This is how one could make slightly altered versions of the “famous old engravings.”

The wide use of this technique is common knowledge – with geographical maps, for instance. We have personally seen it in action at the exhibition of old geographical maps that took place in October 1998, at the Union Exhibition Gallery in Moscow. We learnt about it from the organizers of the exhibition, who specialise in the research of the ancient maps. In particular, we were shown two prints of an old map made from one and the same copper plate, before and after the application of the editing technique in question. In this particular case, the objective had nothing to do with forgeries of any kind – an old map had needed to be updated and complemented with new geographical data.

However, it is obvious enough that the very same thing could be done in order to falsify the date on a map, or some name present thereupon. It would take a great deal of labour to change the surface of the entire plate in a radical way; however, the introduction of several minor but decisive changes is hardly of any difficulty at all.

6.

Russian alphabet before the XVII century. The poorly legible inscription on the church-bell of Zvenigorod declared a “cryptogram”

The readers accustomed to the Scaligerian version of history must be thinking that the Russian writing before the XVII century had been closely related to the Cyrillic script used nowadays, with minor differences that should present no problem for the specialists whatsoever. We are being shown heavy volumes that presumably date from the XI-XII century, Russian chronicles said to date from the XV and so on – all of them legible perfectly well, with maybe just a couple of obscure passages every here and there. We are taught that the Russian writing had not undergone any drastic changes from the XI and up until the XVIII century.

However, this is not the case. As we shall see below, the Russians had used a script that we completely fail to understand nowadays. There had been many such alphabets in Russia; some of them had still been occasionally used in the XVII century. Nowadays they require decipherment, which doesn’t always prove a success. Moreover, even in cases when the researchers encounter the well familiar Cyrillic script in pre-XVII century sources, they often find it hard to interpret. Above we already cite the example of a Russian inscription that dates from the early XVII century and had been deciphered by N. Konstantinov ([425]; see fig. 3.23). We shall cite a similar example below, and a very illustrative one at that.

As we shall be telling the readers below, most of the old Russian church-bells had been recast in the epoch of the first Romanovs. Some of them were mutilated, with every inscription found upon them chiselled off, replaced by a new one, and generally made illegible in one way or another. Nowadays it is difficult to descant about the content or the style of the inscriptions found upon the old Russian church-bells. However, some of such “heretical” artefacts, or their copies, have survived until the XX century, in total defiance of the dominating historical discourse. We know of only one such bell; it dates from the XVII century, and must be adorned by a copy of an even older inscription (either that, or there had been some other reason for using the old Russian alphabets). We are referring to the famous Great Church-Bell of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery ([422], pages 176-177). Its destruction took place as late as in the middle of the XX century. We cite an old photograph of the bell in figs. 13.66, 13.67 and 13.68. It is assumed to have been “cast in 1668 by ‘Alexander Grigoryev, the Imperial manufacturer of cannons and bells.’ The bell had weighed 2125 puds and 30 grivenki (around 35 tonnes); we find it on Zvenigorod’s coat of arms. Destroyed in October 1941” ([422], page 176). We see one of its pieces in fig. 13.69. The remnants of the bell are kept in the Museum of Zvenigorod, which is situated on the premises of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery.

Fig. 13.66. Old photograph of the great bell of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy Monastery in the city of Zvenigorod near Moscow. The bell was destroyed in 1941. This old postcard is kept in the Museum of Zvenigorod. We don’t know of any other representations. Taken from [422], page 176.

Fig. 13.67. Close-in of a fragment. The top part of the Zvenigorod bell. Taken from [422], page 176.

Fig. 13.68. Close-in of a fragment. The bottom part of the Zvenigorod bell. Taken from [422], page 176.

Fig. 13.69. Surviving fragment of the Zvenigorod bell. From the collection of the Museum of Zvenigorod. Taken from [422], page 177.

A drawn copy of the inscription found on the church-bell of Zvenigorod is reproduced in fig. 13.70; it was taken from [808], a publication of 1929.

Fig. 13.70. Lettering from the Zvenigorod bell. Dates from the XVI-XVII century. Taken from [808].

The second half of the inscription is rendered in several alphabets that all look thoroughly cryptic to us today; inscriptions in different alphabets are separated from each other by crests of some sort – bicephalous eagles, etc. It appears that the crests correspond to the alphabets used herein. The first few lines of the inscription have been deciphered; however, the last lines remain a mystery to this day, notwithstanding the fact that the two lines in the bottom are set in the familiar Cyrillic script. We quote the translation of this inscription below (after [808]).

“By the grace of the all-merciful and all-generous Lord, and of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the prayers of the Most Reverend Sava the Worker of Miracles, and the promises and orders of Czar Alexei, the humble servant of the Lord, and the divine love and heartfelt wish to cast this bell for the house of Our Lady, may she be praised on this day of hers, the holiest of days.”

It has to be said that the above translation suggested by M. N. Speranskiy in [808] contains substantial distortions of the original text. Many of the words are indeed translated correctly; however, some of them have been replaced by other words that provide for a smoother version of the text guaranteed to raise no eyebrows. Some of the words we find in the original text are drastically different from what we see in the translation quoted above. Some of the words are names, and some of the names belong to deities and sound very uncanny nowadays. M. N. Speranskiy decided to replace them with something more familiar (see more details below). This appears to be the very approach to the “translation” of the ancient texts that we find very characteristic for historians in general, and this is by no means the first such occasion. The position of the historians can be formulated as follows: ancient texts should by no means be translated in their entirety or stay faithful to the original; the option of translating word for word is right out. The readers must be protected from heresy and “dangerous” facts. The translation has to look clean and standard, without provoking any questions from any part. This is clearly the key to a problem-free historical science.

Other historians “translate” the inscription on the church-bell of Zvenigorod differently. Let us consider the “translation” made by Alexander Ouspenskiy in 1904. He writes the following:

“The largest church-bell … was donated by Czar Alexei Mikhailovich. We find two inscriptions upon it; the one in the bottom (three lines) is comprised of 425 cryptographic symbols that translate as follows: ‘By the grace of the all-merciful and all-generous Lord, and of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the prayers of the Most Reverend Sava the Worker of Miracles, and the promises and orders of Czar Alexei, the humble servant of the Lord, and the divine love and heartfelt wish to cast this bell for the house of Our Lady, may she be praised on this day of hers, the holiest of days, and also in the honour of the Most Reverend Sava the Worker of Miracles, in Zvenigorod, also known as Storozhevskiy.’

The top inscription is comprised of 6 lines. It is in Slavic, and indicates the date when the bell was cast: ‘This church-bell was cast … in the 7176th year since Genesis, and the year 1667 since the Nativity of the Lord’s Own Son, in the 25th day of September … The bell was cast by the bell-maker Alexander Grigoriev.’ We also find a list of the royal family and the Orthodox patriarchs (Paisius of Alexandria, Makarios of Antiochia and Joasaph of Moscow and the Entire Russia), who had lived in that epoch” ([943], page 80).

V. A. Kondrashina, a modern historian, suggests yet another translation of the inscription. This is what she writes:

“It is most noteworthy that the first and the second church-bells were decorated with the following cryptogram written by the Czar, as well as its translation: ‘A deep bow from Czar Alexei, the humble sinner, servant of the Lord and the Blessed Virgin Mary, joined by the Czarina and their offspring. Signed by the very own hand of the Czar, ruler of all Russia and master of many arts and sciences, in 12 alphabets. May 7161 (1652).’ We know not whether the above has any deep sacral meaning, or should be regarded as a prank of an educated man” ([294], page 117).

It has to be noted that historians adhere to the opinion that the famous church-bell of Zvenigorod had been cast in two copies, the first one dating from the alleged year 1652 and presumed lost ([294], page 116). The second bell was cast in 1668; it had remained in Zvenigorod until the day of its destruction in 1941. This is the bell whose photograph we see in fig. 13.66. One cannot help enquiring about how the “cryptogram” of Czar Alexei as cited by V. A. Kondrashina fits into the inscription on the church-bell of Zvenigorod, considering that the “translation” of Alexander Ouspenskiy mentions nothing of the sort.

The inscription on the church-bell of Zvenigorod has caused a great amount of confusion and controversy. According to V. A. Kondrashina, “we know nothing of the fate that befell … the first church-bell of this calibre, which was cast in the reign of Czar Alexei Mikhailovich. The second bell, which had weighed 35 tonnes and made the name of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery famous, in Russia as well as abroad, appeared much later, in 1668. However, we do know the meaning of the inscription that had adorned the first bell; its author is none other but Czar Alexei Mikhailovich, and we have a surviving copy that was found in his chancellery:

“By the grace of the all-merciful and all-generous Lord, and of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the prayers of the Most Reverend Sava, the Worker of Miracles, and the promises and orders of Czar Alexei, the humble servant of the Lord, and the divine love and heartfelt wish to cast this bell for the house of Our Lady, may she be praised on this day of hers, the holiest of days, and also in the honour of the Most Reverend Sava the Worker of Miracles, in Zvenigorod, also known as Storozhevskiy, under the good Archimandrite Hermogen and Velyamin Gorskin, the reverend cellarer …”

The names of all the monks in the friary were listed below (one regulation specialist, seven reverend elders, a cup-bearer, 23 priests, 18 deacons and 10 simple monks. The Czar wrote the following in order to eliminate all possible doubts concerning his authorship: “The facsimile of the Czar’s own hand” ([294], page 116).

The real situation is most likely to be as follows. Historians suggest a certain text found in the archive of the royal chancellery to be the “translation” of the inscription from the church-bell of Zvenigorod. The dating of this “cryptogram translation” remains unclear – it may have been made by the chancellery staff in the epoch when the old Russian alphabets of the XVI-XVII century had already been largely forgotten. The interpretation of the inscription must have already been problematic; therefore, the “translation” in question is more likely to be a rather approximate rendition of the original text. There must have been several interpretation attempts; the resultant translations had therefore differed from each other. Some of them have reached our day, and may be perceived as inscriptions from two different bells. The legend about the two church-bells of Zvenigorod bearing two similar inscriptions, one of which contained a list of the royal family members, and the other – that of the friary’s elders and monks, must own its existence to this very fact.

One gets the impression that the historians of today are reluctant to decipher the original of the inscription from the church-bell of Zvenigorod, and resort to quoting the varied and rather approximate “translations” thereof, which were made in the XVIII-XIX century.

Therefore, we decided to attempt our own reading of the inscription from the church-bell of Zvenigorod. We haven’t managed to decipher everything; however, it turns out that a part of the inscription cited by N. M. Speranskiy contains a number of names or other words that cannot be translated today, which he had replaced with other words of a more “standard” kind. Some of these words and names contain letters that aren’t repeated anywhere else in the text and therefore cannot be read. We came up with the following translation, wherein the unfamiliar letters are replaced with question marks. The word “crest” correlates to the separating symbols, since most of them resemble crests in shape (the crowned bicephalous eagles in the fourth line from the top and at the end of the text, q.v. in fig. 13.70). Some of the letters that were merged into a single symbol are rendered to individual letters taken in braces. The Slavic titlo symbols are transcribed as tildes. The order of lines corresponds to that given by N. M. Speranskiy. One must remember that the letter Ъ used to stand for the sound O.

[Crest] Изволениемъ всеблагагъ и въсещедрагъ {ба~}гогръ нашегъ

[Crest] заступлениемъ ?и?о?уицы заступлницы л?етцзуызц?с

ды?ицы нс?ез? богородицы [Crest] и за молитьвъ отъца

нашего [Crest] [Crest] и молосътиваго заступника

преподобнаго псав ??дотворъца [Crest] ы по ?????нию и

по повел(ять)ния раба христова яря Оле(кси)(ять)я {от}

?любьви своея душевныя и {от} серъдечьнаго желания

[Crest] [Crest] [Crest] зълт сей колокол

?с??л????ел?т??ил?л?л?к????ет???л?

??т???л???л??ет?? [Crest] и великаго и преподобънаго и

{бг}а нашго вавъ чудотъворца цговъ

ве?лио?од???а?икае?цивго?о?еквлл [Crest] [Crest] [Crest]

In fig. 13.71 we see the original of the text, with modern Cyrillic equivalents of the letters indicated underneath.

Fig. 13.71. Lettering from the Zvenigorod bell transcribed into modern letters.

Pay attention to how M. N. Speranskiy and his predecessors have managed to transform the above into a smooth text. The last two lines are rather curious, since they are rendered in the usual mediaeval Cyrillic script; however, each letter appears to have been used in an altogether different meaning, as though the order of letters in the alphabet had differed from the present. M. N. Speranskiy hadn’t bothered to translate this part; unlike him, we cite our translation of its first half, which was translated by M. N. Polyakov, a fellow mathematician and a graduate of the MSU Department of Mathematics and Mechanics. The second half remains illegible to date. We see a very interesting reference to a certain “God Vavo, the Worker of Miracles.” It is possible that “Vavo” was used instead of “Sava.” The first line contains a similar formula: “Our Lord, the All-Generous God Gogro.” The presence of such names in an Old Russian religious text, which also uses perfectly standard Orthodox formulae, cannot fail to raise an eyebrow. Could this be the real reason why M. N. Speranskiy and his predecessors distorted the translation, replacing the “God Gogro” with the word “Bgog”, which obviously reads like “bog”, the Russian word for “God”, indicating no names? As a result, the readers remain unaware of the fact that some of the formulae used by the Russian Orthodox Church in the XVI-XVII century had been completely different from their modern equivalents, and referred to different gods under a variety of names.

Historians usually refrain from referring to the old tradition of referring to the Russian saints as to gods; however, there are exceptions. For instance, G. A. Mokeyev, the author of the book entitled Mozhaysk, the Holy Russian City ([536]), which deals with the famous Old Russian figure of St. Nikola the Worker of Miracles, or “Nikola of Mozhaysk”, names one of the chapters “The Russian God.” It turns out that the foreigners had referred to St. Nikola (Nicholas) in this manner, while the Russian had simply called him God. G. A. Mokeyev tells us the following: “The concept of saviour had also included this figure [St. Nikola – Auth.] … It was for this reason that the foreign authors mentioned ‘the Russian Orthodox Christians worshipping Nikola … as a deity’ (Zinoviy of Oten). Foreign expatriates living in Russia had also called him ‘Nikola the Russian God.’ Ecclesiastic Russian texts refer to ‘St. Nikola, our mighty Lord’, also calling him ‘The Sea God’, ‘The God of the Barge-Haulers’ and even ‘Everyone’s God’ … one must also mention the slogan ‘Nikola is on Our Side’, resembling the famous ‘God is on Our Side’ ” ([536], page 12).

G. A. Mokeyev’s explanation is that “The Russians had referred to icons as to gods” ([536], page 12). However, this explanation does not really change anything. One cannot ignore the fact that many of the Russian saints had been referred to as gods before the XVII century, including “The Sea God” Nikola (the “ancient” Poseidon being his possible reflection), “The Animal God” Vlasiy (or Veles, q.v. in [532], page 120), the gods Gogr and Vav (Sava) as mentioned on the church-bell of Zvenigorod, and other “Russian gods.”

One immediately recollects the fact that the Bible refers to many Syrian and Assyrian gods as it speaks about Assyria (Russia, or the Horde). For instance: “At that time did king Ahaz send unto the kings of Assyria to help him… For he sacrificed unto the gods of Damascus, which smote him: and he said, Because the gods of the kings of Syria help them, therefore will I sacrifice to them, that they may help me … And in every several city of Judah he made high places to burn incense unto other gods” (2 Chronicles 28:16, 28:23 and 28:25).

The Bible is apparently referring to Russia, or the Horde, of the XV-XVI century (see Chron6), mentioning the Russian gods (or Syrian gods in Biblical terminology). We see that the saints in Russia had been worshipped as gods up until the XVII century.

The identity of the Russian Czar (“yar”) Alexei as mentioned in the inscription on the church-bell of Zvenigorod also remains uncertain. He may identify as Czar Alexei Mikhailovich, as historians opine ([425], [808], [294], [422] and [943]). However, if the inscription upon the church-bell cast in 1668 is really a copy of the lettering from an older church-bell, it is possible the initial reference had been to a different Czar Alexei. Historians cannot allow this, since they believe that there had only been one Czar in Russia after the ascension of the Romanovs to the throne, a representative of their dynasty. We have already witnessed the opposite to be the case – let us recollect that Stepan Razin had been a military commander in service of a certain Czar Alexei, q.v. in Chron4, Chapter 9. This Czar had apparently been a contemporary of Alexei Mikhailovich, with his capital in Astrakhan. It is possible that the church-bell of Zvenigorod had been cast by Czar Alexei of the Horde in Astrakhan, ending up in Zvenigorod eventually. At any rate, this inscription deserves an attentive study. However, learned historians made a false translation of the inscription and promptly forgot about the original. Apparently, they find it a great deal more entertaining to ponder harmless notes upon pieces of birch bark in a thoughtful and meticulous manner, arbitrarily dating them to “the early days of Novgorod”, despite the fact that they are most likely to have been written in the XVI-XVIII century, when paper had still been a luxury.

Let us sum up. The inscription upon the church-bell of Zvenigorod is by no means a cryptogram, but rather a regular inscription that one might expect to find on a church-bell, intended to be read and understood by everyone – nothing remotely resembling a cryptogram, that is. The same applies to the inscription of the book that was deciphered by N. Konstantinov ([425]) as quoted above. This inscription does not contain any “secret messages” either. We emphasise this because modern historians have invented a very convenient theory for dealing with Old Russian texts of this kind, namely, the “cryptogram theory.” Russians are said to have used nothing but the well-familiar Cyrillic script in the days of yore, the way they do today. All the evidence to the opposite is explained by the theory that our ancestors had been “cryptogram-prone.” As far as we know, there isn’t a single example of a deciphered “cryptogram” that would go beyond the confines of regular texts that are a priori known to contain no secrets. The examples cited herein are typical. It is perfectly obvious that the lettering on the church-bell of Zvenigorod has got nothing in common with cryptograms – there is nothing secret or extraordinary about the message.

The position of the historians is easy to understand – if we admit the existence of another alphabet in Russia before the XVII century, we shall instantly become confronted with a fundamental question: what should we make of the numerous “ancient” Russian texts that are said to date from the XI-XV century demonstrated to us as evidence that allegedly supports the Scaligerian version of history? Why don’t they contain any of the peculiar signs we see? Historians decided to declare all the real remnants of the ancient Russian alphabets to be “cryptograms” – enigmatic and of little interest to a discerning researcher. The XVII-XVIII century forgeries were proclaimed to be “authentic Old Russian texts”, much to everyone’s delight.

However, it becomes perfectly obvious that such “illegible” or badly legible Old Russian texts need to be searched for and studied most thoroughly. It is there, and not in the forgeries of the Romanovian time (extremely bold ones at times), that we may discover the most vivid and the most dangerous kind of veracious historical information about historical events of the XI-XVI century. Philologists and researchers of the Old Russian writing have got an enormous field of work here.

Let us conclude with the observation that modern historians are rather close-lipped and vague whenever they are forced to mention the church-bell of Zvenigorod – apparently, so as to avoid attracting independent researchers lest they discover the abovementioned oddities. It is most significant that the materials of two scientific conferences held in the wake of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery’s 600th anniversary in 1997 and 1998 don’t contain a single reference to the church-bell of Zvenigorod, the town’s most famous historical artefact ([688]). This is extremely odd – the conferences were focussed on the history of the very monastery that had housed the church-bell of Zvenigorod for some 300 years – we find this very church-bell on the coat of arms of Zvenigorod ([422], page 176; see fig. 13.72). Historians themselves report that the church-bell had made the monastery famous in every part of Russia as well as abroad ([294], page 116). How could it be that anniversary conferences with nothing but the history of the monastery on their agendas could fail to utter so much as a single word about the bell and the lettering that decorates it. How can historians be so reluctant to study the alphabets used in Russia before the XVI-XVII century? Are there any skeletons in their closets?

Fig. 13.72. Coat of arms of Zvenigorod. From the description of the coat of arms: “A great bell against a field of light blue, with letters unknown in our age at the bottom; this bell, cast in copper, is still kept there” ([185], page 144).

Let us proceed. The voluminous publication dedicated to the history of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery couldn’t find space for a drawn copy of the lettering that adorns the church-bell of Zvenigorod anywhere on any of its two hundred pages for some strange reason. All we see is an old photograph of the bell, and a very small one at that ([688], page 176), and a newer one where we see the surviving fragment of the bell that is exhibited in the monastery’s museum. There isn’t a drawn copy of the inscription on the bell anywhere in [294], [422], [943] and [688], all of them publications that were sold on the premises of the monastery in 1999. Why would that be? Let us reiterate that the famous bell had made the monastery famous in Russia as well as abroad (see [294], page 116), and we also find it on the old coat of arms of Zvenigorod.

By the way, who had destroyed the bell in 1941, and under what circumstances exactly? Not a word about it anywhere in [294], [422], [943] or [688]. What about other fragments of the bell apart from the one in the museum? Sepulchral silence. The only other fragment of the bell that we saw during our visit to the monastery in 1999 was a fragment of the bell’s clapper next to the bell-tower (see fig. 13.73). There is no old lettering anywhere upon it. It has to be pointed out that Zvenigorod had not been captured by the German army in World War II, and that no shells ever fell on the monastery, where the bell had hung up until 1941 ([422], page 187). Therefore, the destruction of this priceless historical relic cannot be blamed on the Nazis. “A regiment of the Soviet Army was billeted in the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery during World War II” ([422], page 190). However, it seems highly unlikely that the Soviet army should have destroyed the enormous 35-tonne church-bell. After all, copper has got nothing to do with modern cannons – those are made of steel.

Fig. 13.73. Fragment of the Zvenigorod bell’s striker put up for exhibition next to the belfry of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy Monastery. Photograph taken by the authors of the book in May 1999.

Fig. 13.74. Belfry of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery in 1999. We see a large empty niche (with a window at the back), where the enormous bell of Zvenigorod had hung until 1941. Photograph taken by the authors of the book in May 1999.

The book Old Zvenigorod ([581]) offers the following version of the bell’s demise: “An attempt to remove the bell for safekeeping was made in 1941, as the Nazi army was approaching the town – however, the bell broke (the museum of Zvenigorod has only got fragments at its disposal)” ([581], page 186). Let us agree with that and assume that the historians and archaeologists had indeed planned to remove the bell and take it away to a safe place, but accidentally broke it. One must assume that the caring scientists should have made the careless workers collect every single piece of the bell, load them onto the lorries that they must have commandeered for this specific purpose, and send them away to safety. Why weren’t all of the fragments put up for exhibition after the war? Even a mutilated bell would be worthy of seeing it; at the end of the day, some of them could even be pieced together. All that we see is a single fragment of the bell, q.v. in fig. 13.69. Where is the rest? If there is no trace of the remaining fragments to be found nowadays, who could have destroyed them, and how?

Indeed, who broke the bell? Could it be a chance occurrence that the famous bell had perished as soon as the circumstances were right – war, destruction and so on? Did someone make it fall from the bell-tower? Who could it be? The very same parties who had long wished for the destruction of this unique Russian relic that had blatantly refused to fit into the Scaligerian and Romanovian history, perhaps, and using a convenient chance to eliminate an important witness of the true Russian history and the epoch of the Horde?

We must point out another odd fact about the church-bell of Zvenigorod that has been pointed out to us by V. N. Smolyakov. Above we reproduce the old coat of arms of Zvenigorod with a bell upon it (see fig. 13.72). The book entitled The Coats of Arms of the Russian Empire ([162]) contains a reproduction of the coat of arms on page 1781, and another one right next to it, a more recent version that was approved by the royal court in 1883. The two are drastically different – the description of the old coat of arms (the version of 1781) says that the great bell is made of copper and has lettering in an “unknown alphabet” upon it, whereas the version of 1883, approved by the royal court et al, has no trace of any “secret alphabets.” Commentators started to refer to “silver” instead of copper all of a sudden: “A silver bell with golden decorations upon an azure shield” ([162], page 56). Not a single word about any mysterious lettering anywhere. One wonders why the Romanovs would want to change the copper bell as found on the coat of arms of Zvenigorod for a silver one, removing the “illegible” inscription as they were at it?

Another question that one feels obliged to ask in this respect is about whether the bell destroyed in 1941 is actually the same Great Church-Bell of Zvenigorod that we know of from mediaeval chronicles? After all, it is presumed that two such church-bells were made in Zvenigorod. It is possible that the first one, the old Great Church-Bell of Zvenigorod cast in the alleged year 1652, whose fate “remains unknown”, had been destroyed by the Romanovs, who must have disapproved of it strongly for some reason. The destroyed bell immediately became declared missing. Another one came to replace it in the alleged year 1668; this is the bell that was destroyed in 1941. The “secret alphabet” upon it must have been “less dangerous” – one must think that quite a few such bells with “mysterious alphabets” upon them had still been about in the XVII-XVIII century, so it was possible to replace one with another. However, even the “less dangerous” bell got destroyed in 1941, as soon as a convenient opportunity had presented itself.

V. N. Smolyakov voiced the following idea about the “cryptogram” on the bell that is part of Zvenigorod’s old coat of arms (which amounts to a single word, q.v. in 13.72) in his letter to us: “I decided to attempt a translation of the inscription using the ‘Alphabet of Volanskiy.’ We shall give a detailed description of Volanskiy’s table, which suggests to interpret the “ancient” Etruscan letters as old Cyrillic characters, in Chron5: “All of the letters can be identified with certainty, with the exception of the second, which can be read as either LA or AL. In the latter case we shall end up with the word DALDOVKHOM, which sounds perfectly Slavic. The word can be separated in two – DALDOV (cf. daldonit, which translates as ‘to ring’ or ‘to chatter’ – see V. Dahl’s dictionary, Volume 1, page 414) and KHOM, or KHAN – Czar. I am of the opinion that the inscription says ‘The Czar (Khan) of Bells.’” It goes without saying that a reliable translation of such a short inscription is a very difficult task; however, the version related above looks perfectly plausible.

Let us also point out another interesting fact. The museum of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy monastery in Zvenigorod exhibits several ancient armaments of a Russian warrior. We see a Russian shield covered in Arabic lettering (see figs. 13.75 and 13.76). We explain this fact above, in the first section of the present chapter.

Fig. 13.75. Ancient armaments of a Russian warrior exhibited in the museum of the Savvino-Storozhevskiy Monastery. The Russian shield is covered in Arabic lettering – more precisely, the lettering that is presumed to be exclusively Arabic nowadays. Photograph taken by the authors of the book in May 1999.

Fig. 13.76. Fragment of a shield with Arabic lettering.

7.

European writing before the XVII century. The so-called “European cryptograms”

Traces of old alphabets that must have been in use before the XVII-XVIII century can be found in Europe as well. Such relics are usually declared illegible or cryptogrammic, which is exactly how the inscription on the church-bell of Zvenigorod gets treated. Etruscan writing is the most famous example; we shall study it attentively in Chron5. However, apart from the “illegible” Etruscan texts, there are many other “mystery inscriptions.”

Let us consider the lettering on the left side of one of the doorways that lead into the famous Santiago de Compostela cathedral in Spain, which was visited by A. T. Fomenko and T. N. Fomenko in 2000 (see fig. 13.77). Our drawn copy of this lettering is reproduced in fig. 13.78. Nowadays it is presumed to stand for the dating of the cathedral’s foundation: “Inscribed on the left side of the doorway [Platerias Doorway – Auth.] … we find the dating of the cathedral’s foundation, which is still an apple of discord for the modern scientists. Some of them are convinced that it reads as 1112 (or 1072 in the modern calendar), others suggest 1116 (1078) or even 1141 (1103). In the beginning of the XII century it was interpreted as ‘año 1078’…” ([1059], page 38).

Fig. 13.77. Lettering on the left side of the Platerias Doorway of the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral in Spain. It is interpreted in a variety of ways today, and considered to be “barely legible.” Taken from [1059], page 42.

Fig. 13.78. Our drawn copy of the lettering on the left side of the Platerias Doorway of the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral. Drawn copy by T. N. Fomenko

It is difficult to estimate the correctness of the text’s interpretation suggested by the modern historians. It may have been written in a forgotten or almost forgotten alphabet that had been used in the Western Europe up until (and including) the XVII-XVIII century; one needs to conduct additional research in this area. In fig. 13.78 (a, b, c, d, e and f) one sees photographs of the very same inscription that were made in 2002. It is obvious that the lettering has undergone “restoration.” In fig. 13.78d we see the head of a chimera, a detail of the cathedral’s artwork.

Fig. 13.78a. The same lettering at the doorway of the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral photographed a while later – in 2002. This photograph of the lettering, as well as the ones that follow it, were made by Ignacio Bajo, Professor of Mathematics from the University of Vigo in Spain at our request. A comparison with the previous photograph of the same lettering that we have taken from the book ([1059], page 42) published in 1993 leads us to he thought that the inscription must have undergone a “restoration” over the last decade. On the photograph of 2002 it looks a great deal more “elegant” than ten years ago. It is possible that traces of other signs were obliterated during the “restoration” – the “unseemly” gaps between the wooden blocks of the doorway were filled with cement first, and the lettering was tampered with later.

Fig. 13.78b. The top symbol of the inscription found on the Platerias Doorway of the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral. Photograph taken in 2002. If we compare the photograph to the old one, we shall clearly see that the “restorers” have tried to make the lettering look “more elegant.” They must have applied fresh concrete, meticulously tracing out whatever lines struck them as necessary, with the rest of them plastered over. The lettering didn’t get any clearer – however, it looks more academic, smooth and elegant now.

Fig. 13.78c. The second and third symbols from the top of the inscription found on the Platerias Doorway of the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral. Photograph taken in 2002. We see the same to be the case – the restorers “improved” the illegible text, having almost completely obliterated the traces of letters inscribed below. This demonstrates the utility of comparing different photographs of the same object separated by more or less substantial time periods. We can occasionally see the undercover work on the “rectification of history.” It doesn’t necessarily have to imply forgery – often enough the objective pursued is a “sleeker” look that will attract more tourists (and, ultimately, be of greater commercial success). However, this results in the distortion of history, whether deliberate or accidental.

Fig. 13.78d. The fourth symbol from the top of the lettering on the Platerias Doorway of the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral. Also “restored” – the edges of the lines became smoother. Photograph taken in 2002.

Fig. 13.78e. The fourth symbol from the top of the lettering on the Platerias Doorway of the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral. “Restored.” Photograph taken in 2002.

Fig. 13.78f. A shallow trace of some other sign on the Platerias Doorway of the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral. Photograph taken in 2002.

Fig. 13.78g. The head of some fantasy animal – a chimera with two large tongues on the Santiago de Compostela Cathedral. The meaning behind such artwork appears to be lost today. Photograph taken in 2002.

Another example is as follows. Many strange signs have been discovered inscribed on stones in the Cathedral of St. Lorenz in Nuremberg, Germany. The discovery of these signs in the cathedral’s northern tower, for instance, was made in 1908 ([1417], page 8). We reproduce some of them in figs. 13.79 and 13.80. Historians write the following: “These signs on stones were left in the course of the XVI century restoration works” ([1417], page 8). It is reported further that the scientists are busy studying the signs, but the book ([1417]) doesn’t indicate anything in the way of a translation. Some of them are presumed to be special guild signs of the clans that carved stone in the XIV-XVI century ([1422], page 40).

Fig. 13.79. Strange signs on the stones of the St. Lorenz Cathedral in Nuremberg. They are supposed to be guild symbols of the XIV-XVI century masons. It is possible that the signs in question are letters of a forgotten alphabet, which had been used in Europe up until the XVII century. Taken from [1417], page 8.

Fig. 13.80. Strange signs on the stones of the St. Lorenz Cathedral in Nuremberg. They are supposed to be guild symbols of the XIV-XVI century masons. It is possible that the signs in question are letters of a forgotten alphabet, which had been used in Europe up until the XVII century. Taken from [1422], page 40.

This interpretation is, of course, possible, but it does not solve the general issue. The mysterious clan signs may be letters of a forgotten alphabet that had been used until the XVI century at least; in this case they may be the initials of the craftsmen who did the restoration works.

It turns out that canonical Christian texts weren’t only written in Slavonic, Greek and Latin, but also in Arabic, q.v. in fig. 13.81.

Fig. 13.81. The Orthodox Christian Canon (also known as the Nomocanon) written in Arabic. Among other things, this book contains the rules and edicts of the local and ecumenical councils of the Christian Church. It was considered the primary canonical Christian book in the Middle Ages, used to regulate all the ecclesiastical activities. Thus, apart from the Slavic, Greek and Latin, the Arabic language had also been used for the canonical Christian literature. This book was manufactured in Syria in the XIX century. Nowadays it is kept at the Rom Historical Museum in Toronto, Canada. Photograph taken by the authors in 1999.

What mainstream historians say about the New Chronology?

The New Chronology is a fringe theory regarded by the academic community as pseudohistory, which argues that the conventional chronology of Middle Eastern and European history is fundamentally flawed, and that events attributed to the civilizations of the Roman Empire, Ancient Greece and Ancient Egypt actually occurred during the Middle Ages, more than a thousand years later. The central concepts of the New Chronology are derived from the ideas of Russian scholar Nikolai Morozov (1854-1946), although work by French scholar Jean Hardouin (1646-1729) can be viewed as an earlier predecessor. However, the New Chronology is most commonly associated with Russian mathematician Anatoly Fomenko (b. 1945), although published works on the subject are actually a collaboration between Fomenko and several other mathematicians. The concept is most fully explained in History: Fiction or Science? book series, originally published in Russian.

The New Chronology also contains a reconstruction, an alternative chronology, radically shorter than the standard historical timeline, because all ancient history is “folded” onto the Middle Ages. According to Fomenko’s claims, the written history of humankind goes only as far back as AD 800, there is almost no information about events between AD 800–1000, and most known historical events took place in AD 1000–1500.

The New Chronology is rejected by mainstream historians and is inconsistent with absolute and relative dating techniques used in the wider scholarly community. The majority of scientific commentators consider the New Chronology to be pseudoscientific.

History of New Chronology

The idea of chronologies that differ from the conventional chronology can be traced back to at least the early XVII century. Jean Hardouinthen suggested that many ancient historical documents were much younger than commonly believed to be. In 1685 he published a version of Pliny the Elder’s Natural History in which he claimed that most Greek and Roman texts had been forged by Benedictine monks. When later questioned on these results, Hardouin stated that he would reveal the monks’ reasons in a letter to be revealed only after his death. The executors of his estate were unable to find such a document among his posthumous papers. In the XVII century, Sir Isaac Newton, examining the current chronology of Ancient Greece, Ancient Egypt and the Ancient Near East, expressed discontent with prevailing theories and proposed one of his own, which, basing its study on Apollonius of Rhodes’s Argonautica, changed the traditional dating of the Argonautic Expedition, the Trojan War, and the Founding of Rome.

In 1887, Edwin Johnson expressed the opinion that early Christian history was largely invented or corrupted in the II and III centuries.

In 1909, Otto Rank made note of duplications in literary history of a variety of cultures:

“… almost all important civilized peoples have early woven myths around and glorified in poetry their heroes, mythical kings and princes, founders of religions, of dynasties, empires and cities—in short, their national heroes. Especially the history of their birth and of their early years is furnished with phantastic [sic] traits; the amazing similarity, nay literal identity, of those tales, even if they refer to different, completely independent peoples, sometimes geographically far removed from one another, is well known and has struck many an investigator.” (Rank, Otto. Der Mythos von der Geburt des Helden.)

Fomenko became interested in Morozov’s theories in 1973. In 1980, together with a few colleagues from the mathematics department of Moscow State University, he published several articles on “new mathematical methods in history” in peer-reviewed journals. The articles stirred a lot of controversy, but ultimately Fomenko failed to win any respected historians to his side. By the early 1990s, Fomenko shifted his focus from trying to convince the scientific community via peer-reviewed publications to publishing books. Beam writes that Fomenko and his colleagues were discovered by the Soviet scientific press in the early 1980s, leading to “a brief period of renown”; a contemporary review from the journal Questions of History complained, “Their constructions have nothing in common with Marxist historical science.” (Alex Beam. “A shorter history of civilization.” Boston Globe, 16 September 1991.)

By 1996, his theory had grown to cover Russia, Turkey, China, Europe, and Egypt [Emp:1].

Fomenko’s claims

According to New Chronology, the traditional chronology consists of four overlapping copies of the “true” chronology shifted back in time by significant intervals with some further revisions. Fomenko claims all events and characters conventionally dated earlier than XI century are fictional, and represent “phantom reflections” of actual Middle Ages events and characters, brought about by intentional or accidental misdatings of historical documents. Before the invention of printing, accounts of the same events by different eyewitnesses were sometimes retold several times before being written down, then often went through multiple rounds of translating and copyediting. Names were translated, mispronounced and misspelled to the point where they bore little resemblance to originals.

According to Fomenko, this led early chronologists to believe or choose to believe that those accounts described different events and even different countries and time periods. Fomenko justifies this approach by the fact that, in many cases, the original documents are simply not available. Fomenko claims that all the history of the ancient world is known to us from manuscripts that date from the XV century to the XVIII century, but describe events that allegedly happened thousands of years before, the originals regrettably and conveniently lost.

For example, the oldest extant manuscripts of monumental treatises on Ancient Roman and Greek history, such as Annals and Histories, are conventionally dated c. AD 1100, more than a full millennium after the events they describe, and they did not come to scholars’ attention until the XV century. According to Fomenko, the XV century is probably when these documents were first written.

Central to Fomenko’s New Chronology is his claim of the existence of a vast Slav-Turk empire, which he called the “Russian Horde”, which he says played the dominant role in Eurasian history before the XVII century. The various peoples identified in ancient and medieval history, from the Scythians, Huns, Goths and Bulgars, through the Polyane, Duleby, Drevliane, Pechenegs, to in more recent times, the Cossacks, Ukrainians, and Belarusians, are nothing but elements of the single Russian Horde. For the New Chronologists, peoples such as the Ukrainians, Belarusians, Mongols, and others who assert their national independence from Russia, are suffering from a historical delusion.

Fomenko claims that the most probable prototype of the historical Jesus was Andronikos I Komnenos (allegedly AD 1152 to 1185), the emperor of Byzantium, known for his failed reforms; his traits and deeds reflected in ‘biographies’ of many real and imaginary persons (A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. Czar of the Slavs (in Russian). St. Petersburg: Neva, 2004.). The historical Jesus is a composite figure and reflection of the Old Testament prophet Elisha (850-800 BC?), Pope Gregory VII (1020?-1085), Saint Basil of Caesarea (330-379), and even Li Yuanhao (also known as Emperor Jingzong, or “Son of Heaven”, emperor of Western Xia, who reigned in 1032-1048), Euclides, Bacchus and Dionysius. Fomenko explains the seemingly vast differences in the biographies of these figures as resulting from difference in languages, points of view and time frame of the authors of said accounts and biographies.

Fomenko also merges the cities and histories of Jerusalem, Rome and Troy into “New Rome” = Gospel Jerusalem (in the XII and XIII centuries) = Troy = Yoros Castle (A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. Forgotten Jerusalem: Istanbul in the light of New Chronology (in Russian). Мoscow: Astrel, AST, 2007). To the south of Yoros Castle is Joshua’s Hill which Fomenko alleges is the hill Calvary depicted in the Bible.

Fomenko claims the Hagia Sophia is actually the biblical Temple of Solomon. He identifies Solomon as sultan Suleiman the Magnificent (1494–1566). He claims that historical Jesus may have been born in 1152 and was crucified around AD 1185 on the hill overlooking the Bosphorus.

On the other hand, according to Fomenko the word “Rome” is a placeholder and can signify any one of several different cities and kingdoms. He claims the “First Rome”, or “Ancient Rome”, or “Mizraim”, is an ancient Egyptian kingdom in the delta of the Nile with its capital in Alexandria. The second and most famous “New Rome” is Constantinople. The third “Rome” is constituted by three different cities: Constantinople (again), Rome in Italy, and Moscow. According to his claims, Rome in Italy was founded around AD 1380 by Aeneas, and Moscow as the third Rome was the capital of the great “Russian Horde.” Similarly, the word “Jerusalem” is actually a placeholder rather than a physical location and can refer to different cities at different times and the word “Israel” did not define a state, even not a territory, but people fighting for God, for example, French St. Louis and English Elizabeth called themselves the King/Queen of Israel.

He claims that parallelism between John the Baptist, Jesus, and Old Testament prophets implies that the New Testament was written before the Old Testament. Fomenko claims that the Bible was being written until the Council of Trent (1545–1563), when the list of canonical books was established, and all apocryphal books were ordered to be destroyed. Fomenko also claims that Plato, Plotinus and Gemistus Pletho are one and the same person; according to him, some texts by or about Pletho were misdated and today believed to be texts by or about Plotinus or Plato. He claims similar duplicates Dionysius the Areopagite, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, and Dionysius Petavius. He claims Florence and the House of Medici bankrolled and played an important role in creation of the magnificent ‘Roman’ and ‘Greek’ past.

Specific claims

In volumes 1, 2, 3 and 4 of History: Fiction or Science?, Fomenko and his colleagues make numerous claims:

- Historians and translators often “assign” different dates and locations to different accounts of the same historical events, creating multiple “phantom copies” of these events. These “phantom copies” are often misdated by centuries or even millennia and end up incorporated into conventional chronology.

- This chronology was largely manufactured by Joseph Justus Scaliger in Opus Novum de emendatione temporum (1583) and Thesaurum temporum (1606), and represents a vast array of dates produced without any justification whatsoever, containing the repeating sequences of dates with shifts equal to multiples of the major cabbalistic numbers 333 and 360. The Jesuit Dionysius Petavius completed this chronology in De Doctrina Temporum, 1627 (v.1) and 1632 (v.2).

- Archaeological dating, dendrochronological dating, paleographical dating, numismatic dating, carbon dating, and other methods of dating of ancient sources and artifacts known today are erroneous, non-exact or dependent on traditional chronology.

- No single document in existence can be reliably dated earlier than the XI century. Most “ancient” artifacts may find other than consensual explanation.

- Histories of Ancient Rome, Greece and Egypt were crafted during the Renaissance by humanists and clergy - mostly on the basis of documents of their own making.

- The Old Testament represents a rendition of events of the XIV to XVI centuries AD in Europe and Byzantium, containing “prophecies” about “future” events related in the New Testament, a rendition of events of AD 1152 to 1185.

- The history of religions runs as follows: the pre-Christian period (before the XI century and the birth of Jesus), Bacchic Christianity (XI and XII centuries, before and after the life of Jesus), Christianity (XII to XVI centuries) and its subsequent mutations into Orthodox Christianity, Catholicism, Judaism, and Islam.

- The Almagest of Claudius Ptolemy, traditionally dated to around AD 150 and considered the cornerstone of classical history, was compiled in XVI and XVII centuries from astronomical data of the IX to XVI centuries.

- 37 complete Egyptian horoscopes found in Denderah, Esna, and other temples have unique valid astronomical solutions with dates ranging from AD 1000 and up to as late as AD 1700.

- The Book of Revelation, as we know it, contains a horoscope, dated to 25 September - 10 October 1486, compiled by cabbalistJohannes Reuchlin.

- The horoscopes found in Sumerian/Babylonian tablets do not contain sufficient astronomical data; consequently, they have solutions every 30–50 years on the time axis and are therefore useless for purposes of dating.

- The Chinese tables of eclipses are useless for dating, as they contain too many eclipses that did not take place astronomically. Chinese tables of comets, even if true, cannot be used for dating.

- All major inventions like powder and guns, paper and print occurred in Europe in the period between the X and the XVI centuries.

- Ancient Roman and Greek statues, showing perfect command of the human anatomy, are fakes crafted in the Renaissance, when artists attained such command for the first time.

- There was no such thing as the Tartar and Mongol invasion followed by over two centuries of yoke and slavery, because the so-called “Tartars and Mongols” were the actual ancestors of the modern Russians, living in a bilingual state with Turkic spoken as freely as Russian. So, Russia and Turkey once formed parts of the same empire. This ancient Russian state was governed by a double structure of civil and military authorities and the hordes were actually professional armies with a tradition of lifelong conscription (the recruitment being the so-called “blood tax”). The Mongol “invasions” were punitive operations against the regions of the empire that attempted tax evasion. Tamerlane was probably a Russian warlord.

- Official Russian history is a blatant forgery concocted by a host of German scholars brought to Russia to legitimize the usurpingRomanov dynasty (1613-1917).

- Moscow was founded as late as the mid-XIV century. The battle of Kulikovo took place in Moscow.

- The tsar Ivan the Terrible represents a collation of no fewer than four rulers, representing two rival dynasties: the legitimate Godunov rulers and the ambitious Romanov upstarts.

- English history of AD 640–1040 and Byzantine history of AD 378–830 are reflections of the same late-medieval original.

Fomenko’s methods

Statistical correlation of texts

One of Fomenko’s simplest methods is statistical correlation of texts. His basic assumption is that a text which describes a sequence of events will devote more space to more important events (for example, a period of war or an unrest will have much more space devoted to than a period of peaceful, non-eventful years), and that this irregularity will remain visible in other descriptions of the period. For each analysed text, a function is devised which maps each year mentioned in the text with the number of pages (lines, letters) devoted in the text to its description (which could be zero). The function of the two texts are then compared. (Chron1, pp. 187–194.)

For example, Fomenko compares the contemporary history of Rome written by Titus Livius with a modern history of Rome written by Russian historian V. S. Sergeev, calculating that the two have high correlation, and thus that they describe the same period of history, which is undisputed. (Chron1, pp. 194–196.) He also compares modern texts, which describe different periods, and calculates low correlation, as expected. (Chron1, pp. 194–196.) However, when he compares, for example, the ancient history of Rome and the medieval history of Rome, he calculates a high correlation, and concludes that ancient history of Rome is a copy of medieval history of Rome, thus clashing with mainstream accounts.

Statistical correlation of dynasties

In a somewhat similar manner, Fomenko compares two dynasties of rulers using statistical methods. First, he creates a database of rulers, containing relevant information on each of them. Then, he creates “survey codes” for each pair of the rulers, which contain a number which describes degree of the match of each considered property of two rulers. For example, one of the properties is the way of death: if two rulers were both poisoned, they get value of +1 in their property of the way of death; if one ruler was poisoned and another killed in combat, they get -1; and if one was poisoned, and another died of illness, they get 0 (Fomenko claims there is possibility that chroniclers were not impartial and that different descriptions nonetheless describe the same person). An important property is the length of the rule. (Chron1, pp. 215–223.)

Sample Fomenko parallelism.

Fomenko lists a number of pairs of unrelated dynasties – for example, dynasties of kings of Israeland emperors of late Western Roman Empire (AD 300-476) – and claims that this method demonstrates correlations between their reigns. (Graphs which show just the length of the rule in the two dynasties are the most widely known; however, Fomenko’s conclusions are also based on other parameters, as described above.) He also claims that the regnal history from the XVII to XX centuries never shows correlation of “dynastic flows” with each other, therefore Fomenko insists history was multiplied and outstretched into imaginary antiquity to justify this or other “royal” pretensions.

Fomenko uses for the demonstration of correlation between the reigns exclusively the data from the Chronological Tables of J. Blair (Moscow, 1808-1809). Fomenko says that Blair’s tables are all the more valuable to us since they were compiled in an epoch adjacent to the time of Scaligerian chronology. According to Fomenko these tables contain clearer signs of “Scaligerite activity” which were subsequently buried under layers of paint and plaster by historians of the XIX and XX centuries.

Astronomical evidence

Fomenko examines astronomical events described in ancient texts and claims that the chronology is actually medieval. For example:

- He says the mysterious drop in the value of the lunar acceleration parameter D” (“a linear combination of the [angular] accelerations of the Earth and Moon”) between the years AD 700–1300, which the American astronomer Robert Newton had explained in terms of “non-gravitational” (i.e., tidal) forces. By eliminating those anomalous early eclipses the New Chronology produces a constant value of D” beginning around AD 1000. (Chron1, pp. pp.93-94, 105-6.)

- He associates initially the Star of Bethlehem with the AD 1140 (±20) supernova (now Crab Nebula) and the Crucifixion Eclipse with the total solar eclipse of AD 1170 (±20). He also believes that Crab Nebula supernova could not have exploded in AD 1054, but probably in AD 1153. He connects it with total eclipse of AD 1186. Moreover he holds in strong doubt the veracity of ancient Chinese astronomical data.

- He argues that the star catalog in the Almagest, ascribed to the Hellenistic astronomer Claudius Ptolemy, was compiled in the XV to XVI centuries AD. With this objective in sight he develops new methods of dating old stellar catalogues and claims that the Almagest is based on data collected between AD 600 and 1300, whereby the telluric obliquity is well taken into account.

- He refines and completes Morozov’s analysis of some ancient horoscopes, most notably, the so-called Dendera Zodiacs—two horoscopes drawn on the ceiling of the temple of Hathor—and comes to the conclusion that they correspond to either the XI or the XIII century AD. Moreover, in his History: Fiction or Science? series finale, he makes computer-aided dating of all 37 Egyptian horoscopes that contain sufficient astronomical data, and claims they all fit into XI to XIX century timeframe. Traditional history usually either interprets these horoscopes as belonging to the I century BC or suggests that they weren’t meant to match any date at all.

- In his final analysis of an eclipse triad described by the ancient Greek Thucydides in History of the Peloponnesian War, Fomenko dates the eclipses to AD 1039, 1046 and 1057. Because of the layered structure of the manuscript, he claims that Thucydides actually lived in medieval times and in describing the Peloponnesian War between the Spartans and Athenians he was actually describing the conflict between the medieval Navarrans and Catalans in Spain from AD 1374 to 1387.

- Fomenko claims that the abundance of dated astronomical records in cuneiform texts from Mesopotamia is of little use for dating of events, as the astronomical phenomena they describe recur cyclically every 30–40 years.

Rejection of common dating methods

On archaeological dating methods, Fomenko claims:

“Archaeological, dendrochronological, paleographical and carbon methods of dating of ancient sources and artifacts are both non-exact and contradictory, therefore there is not a single piece of firm written evidence or artifact that could be reliably and independently dated earlier than the XI century.” (Chron1.)

Dendrochronology is rejected with a claim that, for dating of objects much older than the oldest still living trees, it isn’t an absolute, but arelative dating method, and thus dependent on traditional chronology. Fomenko specifically points to a break of dendrochronological scales around AD 1000.

Fomenko also cites a number of cases where carbon dating of a series of objects of known age gave significantly different dates. He also alleges undue cooperation between physicists and archaeologists in obtaining the dates, since most radiocarbon dating labs only accept samples with an age estimate suggested by historians or archaeologists. Fomenko also claims that carbon dating over the range of AD 1 to 2000 is inaccurate because it has too many sources of error that are either guessed at or completely ignored, and that calibration is done with a statistically meaningless number of samples. Consequently, Fomenko concludes that carbon dating is not accurate enough to be used on historical scale.

Fomenko rejects numismatic dating as circular, being based on the traditional chronology, and points to cases of similar coins being minted in distant periods, unexplained long periods with no coins minted and cases of mismatch of numismatic dating with historical accounts. (Chron1, pp. 90-92.)

He fully agrees with absolute dating methods for clay tablets or coins like thermoluminescence dating, optically stimulated luminescence dating, archaeomagnetic, metallographic dating, but claims that their precision does not allow for comprehensive pinpointing on the time axis either.

Fomenko also condemns the common archaeological practice of submitting samples for dating accompanied with an estimate of the expected age. He claims that convergence of uncertainty in archaeological dating methods proves strictly nothing per se. Even if the sum S of probabilities of the veracity of event produced by N dating methods exceeds 1.00 it does not mean that the event has taken place with 100% probability.

Reception

Fomenko’s historical ideas have been universally rejected by mainstream scholars, who brand them as pseudoscience, but were popularized by former world chess champion Garry Kasparov. Billington writes that the theory “might have quietly blown away in the wind tunnels of academia” if not for Kasparov’s writing in support of it in the magazine Ogoniok. Kasparov met Fomenko during the 1990s, and found that Fomenko’s conclusions concerning certain subjects were identical to his own regarding the popular view (which is not the view of academics) that art and culture died during the Dark Ages and were not revived until the Renaissance. Kasparov also felt it illogical that the Romans and the Greeks living under the banner of Byzantium could fail to use the mounds of scientific knowledge left them by Ancient Greece and Rome, especially when it was of urgent military use. However, Kasparov does not support the reconstruction part of the New Chronology. Russian critics tended to see Fomenko’s New Chronology as “an embarrassment and a potent symbol of the depths to which the Russian academy and society have generally sunk … since the fall of Communism.” Western critics see his views as part of a renewed Russian imperial ideology, “keeping alive an imperial consciousness and secular messianism in Russia.”

In 2004 Anatoly Fomenko with his coauthor Gleb Nosovsky were awarded for their books on “New Chronology” the anti-prize of the Moscow International Book Fair called “Abzatz” (literally ‘paragraph’, a euphemism for a vulgar Russian word meaning disaster or fiasco) in the category “Esteemed nonsense” (“Pochotnaya bezgramota”) awarded for the worst book published in Russia.

Critics have accused Fomenko of altering the data to improve the fit with his ideas and have noted that he violates a key rule of statistics by selecting matches from the historical record which support his chronology, while ignoring those which do not, creating artificial, better-than-chance correlations, and that these practices undermine Fomenko’s statistical arguments. The new chronology was given a comprehensive critical analysis in a round table on “The ‘Myths’ of New Chronology” chaired by the dean of the department of history of Moscow State University in December 1999. One of the participants in that round table, the distinguished Russian archaeologist, Valentin Yanin, compared Fomenko’s work to “the sleight of hand trickery of a David Copperfield.” Linguist Andrey Zaliznyak argued that by using the Fomenko’s approaches one can “prove” any historical correspondence, for example, between Ancient Egyptian pharaohs and French kings.

James Billington, formerly professor of Russian history at Harvard and Princeton and currently the Librarian of Congress placed Fomenko’s work within the context of the political movement of Eurasianism, which sought to tie Russian history closely to that of its Asian neighbors. Billington describes Fomenko as ascribing the belief in past hostility between Russia and the Mongols to the influence of Western historians. Thus, by Fomenko’s chronology, “Russia and Turkey are parts of a previously single empire.” A French reviewer of Billington’s book noted approvingly his concern with the phantasmagorical conceptions of Fomenko about the global “new chronology.”

H.G. van Bueren, professor emeritus of astronomy at the University of Utrecht, concluded his scathing review of Fomenko’s work on the application of mathematics and astronomy to historical data as follows:

“It is surprising, to say the least, that a well-known (Dutch) publisher could produce an expensive book of such doubtful intellectual value, of which the only good word that can be said is that it contains an enormous amount of factual historical material, untidily ordered, true; badly written, yes; mixed-up with conjectural nonsense, sure; but still, much useful stuff. For the rest of the book is absolutely worthless. It reminds one of the early Soviet attempts to produce tendentious science (Lysenko!), of polywater, of cold fusion, and of modern creationism. In brief: a useless and misleading book.” (H. G. van Bueren, Mathematics and Logic.)

Convergence of methods in archaeological dating

While Fomenko rejects commonly accepted dating methods, archaeologists, conservators and other scientists make extensive use of such techniques which have been rigorously examined and refined during decades of use.

In the specific case of dendrochronology, Fomenko claims that this fails as an absolute dating method because of gaps in the record. However, independent dendrochronological sequences beginning with living trees from various parts of North America and Europe extend back 12,400 years into the past. Furthermore, the mutual consistency of these independent dendrochronological sequences has been confirmed by comparing their radiocarbon and dendrochronological ages. These and other data have provided a calibration curve for radiocarbon dating whose internal error does not exceed ±163 years over the entire 26,000 years of the curve.

In fact, archaeologists have developed a fully anchored dendrochronology series going back past 10,000 BCE. “The absolutely dated tree-ring chronology now extends back to 12,410 cal BP (10,461 BC).”

Misuse of historical sources and forced pattern matching

Critics of Fomenko’s theory claim that his use of historical sources is highly selective and ignores the basic principles of sound historical scholarship.

“Fomenko … provides no fair-minded review of the historical literature about a topic with which he deals, quotes only those sources that serve his purposes, uses evidence in ways that seem strange to professionally-trained historians and asserts the wildest speculation as if it has the same status as the information common to the conventional historical literature.”

They also note that his method of statistically correlating of texts is very rough, because it does not take into account the many possible sources of variation in length outside of “importance.” They maintain that differences in language, style, and scope, as well as the frequently differing views and focuses of historians, which are manifested in a different notion of “important events”, make quantifying historical writings a dubious proposition at best. What’s more, Fomenko’s critics allege that the parallelisms he reports are often derived by alleged forcing by Fomenko of the data – rearranging, merging, and removing monarchs as needed to fit the pattern.

For example, on the one hand Fomenko asserts that the vast majority of ancient sources are either irreparably distorted duplicate accounts of the same events or later forgeries. In his identification of Jesus with Pope Gregory VII (Chron2, p. 51) he ignores the otherwise vast dissimilarities between their reported lives and focuses on the similarity of their appointment to religious office by baptism. (The evangelical Jesus is traditionally believed to have lived for 33 years, and he was an adult at the time of his encounter with John the Baptist. In contrast, according to the available primary sources, Pope Gregory VII lived for at least 60 years and was born 8 years after the death of Fomenko’s John-the-Baptist equivalent John Crescentius.)

Critics allege that many of the supposed correlations of regnal durations are the product of the selective parsing and blending of the dates, events, and individuals mentioned in the original text. Another point raised by critics is that Fomenko does not explain his altering the data (changing the order of rulers, dropping rulers, combining rulers, treating interregna as rulers, switching between theologians and emperors, etc.) preventing a duplication of the effort and effectively making this whole theory an ad hoc hypothesis.

Selectivity in reference to astronomical phenomena

Critics point out that Fomenko’s discussion of astronomical phenomena tends to be selective, choosing isolated examples that support the New Chronology and ignoring the large bodies of data that provide statistically supported evidence for the conventional dating. For his dating of the Almagest star catalog, Fomenko arbitrarily selected eight stars from the more than 1000 stars in the catalog, one of which (Arcturus) has a large systematic error. This star has a dominant effect on Fomenko’s dating. Statistical analysis using the same method for all “fast” stars points to the antiquity of the Almagest star catalog. Rawlins points out further that Fomenko’s statistical analysis got the wrong date for the Almagest because he took as constant Earth’s obliquity when it is a variable that changes at a very slow, but known, rate.

Fomenko’s studies ignore the abundance of dated astronomical records in cuneiform texts from Mesopotamia. Among these texts is a series of Babylonian astronomical diaries, which records precise astronomical observations of the Moon and planets, often dated in terms of the reigns of known historical figures extending back to the VI century BCE. Astronomical retrocalculations for all these moving objects allow us to date these observations, and consequently the rulers’ reigns, to within a single day. The observations are sufficiently redundant that only a small portion of them are sufficient to date a text to a unique year in the period 750 BCE to 100 CE. The dates obtained agree with the accepted chronology. In addition, F. R. Stephenson has demonstrated through a systematic study of a large number of Babylonian, Ancient and Medieval European, and Chinese records of eclipse observations that they can be dated consistently with conventional chronology at least as far back as 600 BCE. In contrast to Fomenko’s missing centuries, Stephenson’s studies of eclipse observations find an accumulated uncertainty in the timing of the rotation of the earth of 420 seconds at 400 BCE, and only 80 seconds at 1000 CE.

Magnitude and consistency of conspiracy theory

Fomenko claims that world history prior to 1600 was deliberately falsified for political reasons. The consequences of this conspiracy theory are twofold. Documents that conflict with New Chronology are said to have been edited or fabricated by conspirators (mostly Western European historians and humanists of late XVI to XVII centuries). The lack of documents directly supporting New Chronology and conflicting traditional history is said to be thanks to the majority of such documents being destroyed by the same conspirators.

Consequently, there are many thousands of documents that are considered authentic in traditional history, but not in New Chronology. Fomenko often uses “falsified” documents, which he dismisses in other contexts, to prove a point. For example, he analyzes the Tartar Relation and arrives at the conclusion that Mongolian capital of Karakorum was located in Central Russia (equated with present-day Yaroslavl). However, the Tartar Relation makes several statements that are at odds with New Chronology (such as that Batu Khan and Russian duke Yaroslav are two distinct people). Those are said by Fomenko to have been introduced into the original text by later editors.

Many of the rulers that Fomenko claims are medieval doppelgangers moved in the imaginary past have left behind vast numbers of coins. Numismatists have made innumerable identifications of coins to rulers known from ancient sources. For instance, several Roman emperors issued coinage featuring at least three of their names, consistent with those found in written sources, and there are frequent examples of joint coinage between known royal family members, as well as overstrikes by kings who were known enemies.

Ancient coins in Greek and Latin are unearthed to this day in vast quantities from Britain to India. For Fomenko’s theories to be correct, this could only be explained by counterfeit on a very grand and consistent scale, as well as a complete dismissal of all numismatic analyses of hoard findings, coin styles etc.

Popularity in forums and amongst Russian imperialists

Despite criticism, Fomenko has published and sold over one million copies of his books in his native Russia. Many internet forums have appeared which aim to supplement his work with additional amateur research. His critics have suggested that Fomenko’s version of history appealed to the Russian reading public by keeping alive an imperial consciousness to replace their disillusionment with the failures of Communism and post-Communist corporate oligarchies.

Alexander Zinoviev called the New Chronology “one of the major scientific breakthroughs of the XX century.”

(Wikipedia text retrieved on 2nd August, 2015)

Afterword from the publisher

Dr. Fomenko et al as scientists are ready to recognize their mistakes, to repent and to retract on the condition that:

- radiocarbon dating methods pass the black box tests, or

- astronomy refutes their results on ancient eclipses, or

- US astrophysicist Robert Newton was proved wrong to accuse Ptolemy of his crime.

At present, historians do not, can not, and will not comply. The radiocarbon dating labs run their very costly tests only if the sample to be dated is accompanied with an idea of age pronounced by historians on basis of … subjective … mmm … gutfeeling … and the history books they have been writing for the last 400 years. Radiocarbon labs politely bill for their fiddling and finetuning to get the dates “to order” of historians. Circulus vitiosus is perfect.

Overview of the seven-volume print edition

History: Fiction or Science?

Chronology 1

A. T. Fomenko

Introducing the problem.

A criticism of the Scaligerian chronology.

Dating methods as offered by mathematical statistics.

Eclipses and zodiacs.

Chronology 2

A. T. Fomenko

The dynastic parallelism method.

Rome. Troy. Greece. The Bible.

Chronological shifts.

Chronology 3

A. T. Fomenko, T. N. Fomenko, V. V. Kalashnikov, G. V. Nosovskiy

Astronomical methods as applied to chronology.

Ptolemy’s Almagest. Tycho Brahe. Copernicus.

The Egyptian zodiacs.

Chronology 4

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy

Russia. Britain. Byzantium. Rome.

Chronology 5

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy

Russia = Horde. Ottomans = Atamans.

Europe. China. Japan.

The Etruscans. Egypt. Scandinavia.

Chronology 6

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy

The Horde-Ataman Empire.

The Bible. The Reformation.

America. Passover and the calendar.

Chronology 7

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy

A reconstruction of global history.

The Khans of Novgorod = The Habsburgs.

Miscellaneous information.

The legacy of the Great Empire in the history and culture of Eurasia and America.

This seven-volume edition is based on a number of our books that came out over the last couple of years and were concerned with the subject in question. All this gigantic body of material was revised and categorized; finally, its current form does not contain any of the repetitions that are inevitable in the publication of separate books. All of this resulted in the inclusion of a great number of additional material in the current edition – including previously unpublished data. The reader shall find a systematic rendition of detailed criticisms of the consensual (Scaligerian) chronology, the descriptions of the methods offered by mathematical statistics and natural sciences that the authors have discovered and researched, as well as the new hypothetical reconstruction of global history up until the XVIII century. Our previous books on the subject of chronology were created in the period of naissance and rather turbulent infancy of the new paradigm, full of complications and involved issues, which often resulted in the formulation of multi-optional hypotheses. The present edition pioneers in formulating a consecutive unified concept of the reconstruction of ancient history – one that apparently is supported by a truly immense body of evidence. Nevertheless, it is understandable that its elements may occasionally be in need of revision or elaboration.

A. T. Fomenko

Also by Anatoly T. Fomenko

(List non-exhaustive)

A. T. Fomenko. Differential Geometry and Topology. Plenum Publishing Corp., 1987. New York and London: Consultants Bureau.

A. T. Fomenko. Variational Principles of Topology. Multidimensional Minimal Surface Theory. The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1990.

A. T. Fomenko. Topological variational problems. Gordon and Breach, 1991.

A. T. Fomenko. Integrability and Nonintegrability in Geometry and Mechanics. The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988.

A. T. Fomenko. The Plateau Problem. Vols. 1, 2. Gordon and Breach, 1990. (Studies in the Development of Modern Mathematics.)

A. T. Fomenko. Symplectic Geometry. Methods and Applications. Gordon and Breach, 1988. Second edition 1995.

A. T. Fomenko, Dao Chong Thi. Minimal Surfaces and Plateau Problem. American Mathematical Society, 1991.

A. T. Fomenko, V. V. Trofimov. Integrable Systems on Lie Algebras and Symmetric Spaces. Gordon and Breach, 1987.

A. T. Fomenko, A. A. Tuzhilin. Geometry of Minimal Surfaces in Three-Dimensional Space. (In: Translation of Mathematical Monographs, vol. 93. American Mathematical Society, 1991.

A. T. Fomenko. Topological Classification of Integrable Systems. Advances in Soviet Mathematics, vol. 6. American Mathematical Society, 1991.

A. T. Fomenko. Tensor and Vector Analysis: Geometry, Mechanics and Physics. Taylor and Francis, 1988.

A. T. Fomenko, S. V. Matveev. Algorithmic and Computer Methods for Three-Manifolds. The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1997.

A. T. Fomenko, T. L. Kunii. Topological Modeling for Visualization. Springer-Verlag, 1997.

A. T. Fomenko, B. A. Dubrovin, S. P. Novikov. Modern Geometry. Methods and Applications. Springer-Verlag, GTM 93, Part 1, 1984; GTM 104, Part 2, 1985, GTM 124, Part 3, 1990.

A. T. Fomenko, S. P. Novikov. The basic elements of differential geometry and topology. The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1990.

A. T. Fomenko, A. V. Bolsinov. Integrable Hamiltonian Systems: Geometry, Topology, Classification. Taylor and Francis, 2003.

A. T. Fomenko. Empirico-Statistical Analysis of Narrative Material and Its Applications to Historical Dating. (Vol. 1: The Development of the Statistical Tools. Vol. 2: The Analysis of Ancient and Medieval Records.) The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1994.

A. T. Fomenko, V. V Kalashnikov, G. V. Nosovsky.Geometrical and Statistical Methods of Analysis of Star Configurations. Dating Ptolemy’s Almagest. USA: CRC Press, 1993.

A. T. Fomenko. New Methods of Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts. Applications to Chronology. Antiquity in the Middle Ages. Greek and Bible History. Vols. 1, 2, 3. USA, Lewiston, Queenston, Lampeter: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1999.

A. T. Fomenko. Mathematical Impressions. American Mathematical Society, 1990.

Also by Gleb V. Nosovskiy

(List non-exhaustive)

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. On Calculating the Parent Structures in Shuffled Sequences. Vector and Tensor Analysis Seminar Works, Issue 22. Moscow: Moscow State University Publications, 1985.

G. V. Nosovskiy. Controlling the Diffusion Processes on an Edgeless Manifold. Science Candidate of Physics and Mathematics Dissertation. Moscow: Moscow University, 1988.

A. T. Fomenko, V. V. Kalashnikov, G. V. Nosovskiy. Geometrical and Statistical Methods of Analysis of Star Configurations. Dating Ptolemy’s Almagest. CRC Press, 1993. 300 pages.

G. V. Nosovskiy. Nonlinear Potentials Construction for Degenerate Hamilton-Jacobi-Bellman Equations in Rd. In: Almanac Statistics and Control of Random Processes, Volume 5. Moscow: TVP, 1994.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology and Conception of the Ancient History of Russia, Britain and Rome. Facts. Statistics. Hypotheses. Volumes 1 and 2. Moscow: Moscow State University Didactic and Scientific Centre of Pre-University Education, 1995.

A. T. Fomenko, V. V. Kalashnikov, G. V. Nosovskiy. Dating the Almagest Star Catalogue. Moscow: Faktorial, 1995.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. The Empire. A New Mathematical Chronology of the Antiquity. Faktorial, Moscow, 1996.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. Mathematico-Statistical Models of Information Distribution in Historical Chronicles. In: Mathematical Issues of Cybernetics, issue 6. Moscow: Nauka, Fizmatlit, 1996.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. Mathematical Chronology of Biblical Events. Moscow: Nauka, 1997. 408 pages.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. Biblical Russia. Russian Empire, or the Horde, and the Bible. A New Mathematical Chronology of the Antiquity. Volumes 1 and 2. Moscow: Faktorial, 1998.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. An Introduction to the New Chronology. Moscow: Kraft, 1999.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. A Reconstruction of Global History. New Chronology. Moscow: Delovoi Express, 1999.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. A Reconstruction of Global History. The research of 1999-2000. Moscow: Delovoi Express, 2000.

A. T. Fomenko, V. V. Kalashnikov, G. V. Nosovskiy. Astronomical Analysis of Chronology. Moscow: Delovoi Express, 2000.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. A New Chronology of Egypt. Astronomical Dating of Egyptian Zodiacs. Moscow: Veche, 2002 and 2003.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. King of the Slavs. St. Petersburg: Neva, 2004.

A. T. Fomenko, G. V. Nosovskiy. A New Chronology of Russia: Russia, Britain, Byzantium and Rome. Moscow: RIMIS, 2004.

A. T. Fomenko, A. A. Golovanov, D. P. Ilyutko, G. V. Nosovskiy. Computer Geometry: A Textbook for University Students. Moscow: Akademiya Publishing Centre, 2006.

Bibliography

Separate books on the New Chronology

Prior to the publication of the seven-volume Chronology, we published a number of books on the same topic. If we are to disregard the paperbacks and the concise versions, as well as new re-editions, there are seven such books. Shortened versions of their names appear below:

1. Introduction.

2. Methods 1-2.

3. Methods 3.

4. The New Chronology of Russia, Britain and Rome.

5. The Empire.

6. The Biblical Russia.

7. Reconstruction.

• Book one. Introduction.

[Intro]:1. Fomenko, A. T. New Experimental Statistical Methods of Dating Ancient Events and their Application to the Global Classical and Mediaeval Chronology. Pre-print. Moscow, The State Television and Radio Broadcast Committee, 1981. Order #3672. Lit. 9/XI-81. No. BO7201, 100 p.

[Intro]:2. Fomenko, A. T. Some New Empirico-Statistical Methods of Dating and the Analysis of Present Global Chronology. London, The British Library, Department of Printed Books, 1981. Cup. 918/87. 100 p.

[Intro]3. Fomenko, A. T. A Criticism of the Traditional Chronology of the Classical Age and the Middle Ages (What Century Is It Now?). Essay. Moscow, Publishing House of the Moscow State University Department of Mechanical Mathematics, 1993. 204 p.

[Intro]:4. 2nd edition, revised and expanded. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. A Criticism of the Traditional Chronology of the Classical Age and the Middle Ages (What Century Is It Now?). Moscow, Kraft-Lean, 1999. 757 p. Kraft Publications released a concise version of this book in 2001. 487 p.

[Intro]:5. Another revision. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. What Century Is It Now? Moscow, AIF-Print Publications, 2002. 511 p.

• Book two, part one: Methods-1.

[Meth1]:1. Fomenko, A. T. The Methods of Statistical Analysis of Narrative Texts and their Chronological Applications. (The identification and dating of dependent texts, statistical chronology of the antiquity, as well as the statistics of ancient astronomical accounts.) Moscow, The MSU Publishing House, 1990. 439 p.

[Meth1]:2. 2nd revised edition came out in 1996 as The Methods Of Mathematical Analysis of Historical Texts. Chronological applications. Moscow, Nauka Publications, 1996. 475 p.

[Meth1]:3. Several chapters of the book came out in 1996, revised and extended, as a separate book: Fomenko, A. T. The New Chronology of Greece. Antiquity in the Middle Ages, Vols. 1 and 2. Moscow, MSU Centre of Research and Pre-University Education, 1996. 914 p.

[Meth1]:4. The English translation of the book, extended and revised to a large extent, was released under the following title: Fomenko, A. T. Empirico-Statistical Analysis of Narrative Material and its Applications to Historical Dating. Vol. 1, The Development of the Statistical Tools. Vol. 2, The Analysis of Ancient and Mediaeval Records. The Netherlands, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1994. Vol. 1: 211 p. Vol. 2: 462 p.

[Meth1]:5. A Serbian translation titled Фоменко А. Т. Статистичка хронологиjа. Математички поглед на историjу. У ком смо веку? was published in 1997. Belgrade, Margo-Art, 1997. 450 p.

[Meth1]:6. The book was published in a revised and substantially extended version in 1999 as Volume 1 in a series of two: Fomenko, A. T. The Methods of Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts. Chronological Applications. Vol. 1. Moscow, Kraft and Lean, 1999. 801 p.

[Meth1]:7. A revised version of the book was published as two volumes (the first two in a series of three) in 1999 in the USA (in Russian) by the Edwin Mellen Press. Fomenko, A. T. New Methods of Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts. Applications to Chronology, Vols. 1 and 2. The publication is part of the series titled Scholarly Monographs in the Russian Language, Vols. 6-7. Lewiston, Queenston, Lampeter, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1999. Vol. 1: 588 p. Vol. 2: 564 p.

• Book two, part two: Methods-2.

[Meth2]:1. Fomenko, A. T. Global Chronology. (A Research of the Classical and Mediaeval History. Mathematical Methods of Source Analysis. Global Chronology.) Moscow, MSU Publications, 1993. 408 p.

[Meth2]:2. A revised and substantially extended version of the book as the second volume in a series of two: Fomenko, A. T. The Methods of Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts. Chronological Applications, Vol. 2. Moscow, Kraft and Lean, 1999. 907 p.

[Meth2]:3. A revised version of the book was published as the last volume in a series of three in the USA (in Russian) under the title: Fomenko A. T. Antiquity in the Middle Ages (Greek and Bible History), the trilogy bearing the general name: Fomenko A. T. New Methods of the Statistical Analysis of Historical Texts and their Chronological Application. The publication is part of the series titled Scholarly Monographs in the Russian Language. Lewiston, Queenston, Lampeter, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1999. 578 p.

• Book three: Methods-3.

[Meth3]:1. Fomenko, A. T., V. V. Kalashnikov, and G. V. Nosovskiy. Geometrical and Statistical Methods of Analysis of Star Configurations. Dating Ptolemy’s Almagest. USA: CRC Press, 1993. 300 p.

[Meth3]:2. The Russian version of the book was published in 1995 in Moscow by the Faktorial Publications under the title: Kalashnikov V. V., Nosovskiy G. V., Fomenko A. T. The Dating of the Almagest Star Catalogue. Statistical and Geometrical Analysis. 286 p.

[Meth3]:3. A substantially extended and revised version of the book: Kalashnikov, V. V., G. V. Nosovskiy, and A. T. Fomenko. The Astronomical Analysis of Chronology. The Almagest. Zodiacs. Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publications, 2000. 895 p.

[Meth3]:4. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology of Egypt. The Astronomical Dating of Ancient Egyptian Monuments. Research of 2000-2002. Moscow, Veche Press, 2002. 463 p.

• Book four: Russia, Britain and Rome.

[RBR]:1. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology and Conception of the Ancient History of Russia, Britain, and Rome. Facts, Statistics, Hypotheses. Vol. 1, Russia. Vol. 2, Britain and Rome. Moscow, MSU Centre of Research and Pre-University Education. Two editions, 1995 and 1996. 672 p.

[RBR]:2. A somewhat adapted and revised version of the book came out in 1997: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. Russia and Rome. How correct is our understanding of Eurasian history? Vols. 1 and 2. Moscow, Olymp Publications, 1997. 2nd edition 1999. The next three volumes from this series of five were published in 2001. Vol. 1: 606 p. Vol. 2: 621 p. Vol. 3: 540 p. Vol. 4: 490 p. Vol. 5: 394 p.

[RBR]:3. A revised version of the first volume was published in 1997 as a separate book: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology of Russia. Moscow, Faktorial Publications, 1997. Re-editions 1998 and 1999. 255 p.

[RBR]:4. A new, substantially extended and revised version of the first two-volume edition as a single volume: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The New Chronology of Russia, Britain and Rome. Moscow, Anvik, 1999. 540 p.

[RBR]:5. A new revised version of this book came out as a single volume: Fomenko A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publications, 2001. 1015 p.

• Book five: The Empire.

[Emp]:1. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Empire (Russia, Turkey, China, Europe, Egypt. The New Mathematical Chronology of Antiquity). Moscow, Faktorial, 1996. Re-editions 1997, 1998, 1999, 2001 and 2002. 752 p.

• Book six: The Biblical Russia.

[BR]:1. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Mathematical Chronology of the Biblical Events. Moscow, Nauka Publications, 1997. 407 p.

[BR]:2. A substantially revised and extended version: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Biblical Russia. The Empire of Horde-Russia and the Bible. The New Mathematical Chronology of Antiquity. Vols. 1 and 2. Moscow, Faktorial, 1998. Vol. 1: 687 p. Vol. 2: 582 p.

[BR]:3. A somewhat condensed version, which nevertheless contained some important new material: Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. Horde-Russia on the Pages of the Biblical Books. Moscow, Anvik Publications, 1998. 430 p.

[BR]:4. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Biblical Russia. Selected Chapters I (The Empire of Horde-Russia and the Bible. The New Mathematical Chronology of Antiquity. History of the Manuscripts and Editions of the Bible. The Events of the XI-XII Century A.D. in the New Testament. The Pentateuch.). Moscow, Faktorial, 1999. 173 p.

[BR]:5. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. The Biblical Russia. Selected Chapters II (The Empire of Horde-Russia and the Bible. The New Mathematical Chronology of Antiquity. History of the XIV-XVI Century in the Last Books of the Kings. The History of the XV-XVI Century in the Last Chapters of the Books of the Kings. History of the XV-XVI Century in the Books of Esther and Judith. The Reformation Epoch of the XVI-XVII Century). Moscow, Faktorial Press, 2000. 223 p.

• Book seven: Reconstruction.

[Rec]:1. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. A Reconstruction of Global History (The New Chronology). Book 1. Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publishers, 1999. 735 p.

[Rec]:2. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. A Reconstruction of Global History. The Research of 1999-2000 (The New Chronology). Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publishers, 1999. 615 p.

[Rec]:3. Fomenko, A. T., and G. V. Nosovskiy. A Reconstruction of Global History. Joan of Arc, Samson, and the History of Russia. Moscow, The Delovoi Express Financial Publishers, 2002.

We have to point out that the publication of our books on the New Chronology has influenced a number of authors and their works where the new chronological concepts are discussed or developed. Some of these are: L. I. Bocharov, N. N. Yefimov, I. M. Chachukh, and I. Y. Chernyshov ([93]), Jordan Tabov ([827], [828]), A. Goutz ([220]), M. M. Postnikov ([680]), V. A. Nikerov ([579:1]), Heribert Illig ([1208]), Christian Blöss and Hans-Ulrich Niemitz ([1038], [1039]), Gunnar Heinsohn ([1185]), Gunnar Heinsohn and Heribert Illig ([1186]), Uwe Topper ([1462], [1463]).

Our research attracted sufficient attention to chronological issues for the Muscovite publishing house Kraft to print a new edition of the fundamental work of N. A. Morozov titled Christ, first published in 1924-1932.

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